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Adams
Historical
Collections of Ohio
By Henry Howe
Vol. II
©1888
WYANDOT COUNTY
Page 885
Wyandot County was
formed from Crawford,
Marion, Hardin and Hancock, Feb. 3, 1845.
The surface is level and soil fertile.
About one-third of it is prairie land, being covered by
the Sandusky
plains. These
plains are chiefly bounded
by the Sandusky, the Little Scioto and the Tyemochte,
which last signifies, in the Wyandot language, “around the
plains.” This
tract in its natural state is covered
with a rank, wild grass several feet in height, and in some parts are
interspersed beautiful groves of timber.
Area, about 400
square
miles.
In 1887 the acres cultivated were 127,700; in
pasture, 56,450; woodland, 36,700; lying waste, 1,336; produced in
wheat,
453,013 bushel; rye, 5,694; buckwheat, 434; oats, 406,780; barley,
10,747;
corn, 1.103,949; meadow hay, 19,776 tons; clover, 4,613 tons; flaxseed,
862
bushels, potatoes, 63,204; tobacco, 200 lbs.; butter, 388,374; cheese,
24,300;
sorghum, 1,682; maple syrup, 4,730 gallons; honey, 3,014 lbs.; eggs,
488,210
dozen; grapes, 1,040 lbs.; sweet potatoes, 84 bushels; apples, 10,384;
peaches,
1,011; pears, 828; wool, 409,387 lbs.; milch cows owned, 5,160. School
census, 1888, 6,974;
teachers, 237. Miles
of railroad
track, 89.
|
Township And Table |
|
1880 |
|
Township And Table |
|
1880 |
|
Antrim, |
|
1,928 |
|
Pitt, |
|
1,268 |
|
Crane, |
|
5,027 |
|
Richland, |
|
1,676 |
|
Crawford, |
|
2,213 |
|
Ridge, |
|
639 |
|
Eden, |
|
1,793 |
|
Salem, |
|
1,547 |
|
Jackson, |
|
1,331 |
|
Sycamore, |
|
1,058 |
|
Marseilles, |
|
840 |
|
Tyemochte, |
|
1,620 |
|
Mifflin, |
|
1,455 |
|
|
|
|
Population of
Wyandot in 1860 was 15,956;
1880, 22,395; of whom 17,650 were born in Ohio; 1,475, Pennsylvania;
507, New
York; 208, Virginia; 173, Indiana; 28, Kentucky; 1,037, German Empire;
214,
Ireland; 116, England and Wales; 43, France; 35, British America; 11,
Scotland;
and 6, Sweden and Norway. Census, 1890, 21,722.
This county was,
from an early day, a
favorite residence of the Wyandot Indians.
It is noted for being the scene of CRAWFORD’S
defeat in June, 1782, and
his subsequent death by the most cruel
tortures.
The view
representing CRAWFORD’S
Battle-Ground was taken on the road to Tiffin, three miles north of
Upper
Sandusky, and one west of the Sandusky river.
The action, it is said, began some distance north of the
cabin shown, in
the high grass of the prairie in which the Indians were concealed. The parties afterwards
were engaged in the
grove or island of timber represented in the view, called at this day
“Battle Island,”
in which the principal
action was fought. Many
of the trees now
[1846] bear the marks of the bullets, or rather the scars on their
trunks made
by the hatchets of the Indians in getting them out after the action. The large oak on the right
of the view has
these relics of that unfortunate engagement.
A part of the whites slain were buried in a small swamp
about thirty
rods south of the spot from whence the drawing was taken. It is not shown in the
view, as the scene is
represented to the eye as if looking in a northern direction.
The annexed history
of Crawford’s
Campaign we take from
DODDRIDGE’s “Notes:”
CRAWFORD’s campaign, in one point of view at least, is to be considered as a second Moravian campaign, as one of its objects was that of finishing the work of murder and plunder
PAGE 886
with the Christian Indians at their new establishment on the Sandusky. The next object was that of destroying the Wyandot towns on the same river. It was the resolution of all those concerned in this expedition not to spare the life of any Indians that might fall into their hands, whether friends or foes. It will be seen in the sequel that the result of this campaign was widely different from that of the Moravian campaign the preceding March.
It
should seem that the
long continuance of the Indian war had debased a considerable portion
of our
population to the savage state of our nature.
Having lost so many relatives by the Indians, and
witnessed their horrid
murders and other depredations on so extensive a scale, they became
subjects of
that indiscriminating thirst for revenge which is such a prominent
feature in
the savage character, and, having had a taste of blood and plunder
without risk
or loss on their part, they resolved to go on and kill every Indian
they could
find, whether friend or foe.
Preparations
for this
campaign commenced soon after the return of the Moravian campaign in
the month
of March, and as it was intended to make what was called at that time
“a dash,”
that is, an enterprise conducted with secrecy and despatch, the men
were all mounted on
the best horses they could
procure. They
furnished themselves with
all their outfits except some ammunition, which was furnished by the
lieutenant-colonel of Washington county
[Pennsylvania].
The
Rendezvous and March.—On the 25th
of May, 1782, 480 men mustered at the old Mingo town, just below the
site of
Steubenville, on the western side of the Ohio river.
They were all volunteers from the immediate
neighborhood of the Ohio, with the exception of one company from Ten
Mile in
Washington county.
Here an election was held for the office of
commander-in-chief for the
expedition. The
candidates were Col.
WILLIAMSON and Col. CRAWFORD; the latter was the successful candidate. When notified of his
appointment it is said
that he accepted it with apparent reluctance.
The
army marched along
“WILLIAMSON’S trail,” as it was then
called, until they arrived at the upper
Moravian town, in the fields belonging to which there was still plenty
of corn
on the stalks, with which their horses were plentifully fed during the
night of
their encampment there.
Shortly
after the army
halted at this place two Indians were discovered by three men, who had
walked
some distance out of the camp. Three
shots were fired at one of them, but without hurting him. As soon as the news of the
discovery of
Indians had reached the camp more than one-half of the men rushed out,
without
command, and in the most tumultuous manner, to see what happened. From that time Col.
CRAWFORD felt a
presentiment of the defeat which followed.
The
truth is that,
notwithstanding the secrecy and despatch of the enterprise, the Indians
were
beforehand with our people. They
saw the
rendezvous on the Mingo bottom, knew their number and destination. They visited every
encampment immediately on
their leaving, and saw from the writing on the trees and scraps of
paper that
“no quarter was to be given to any Indian, whether man, woman
or child.”
Nothing
material
happened during their march until the sixth of June, when their guides
conducted them to the site of the Moravian villages on one of the upper
branches of the Sandusky river;
but here, instead of
meeting with Indians and plunder, they met with nothing but vestiges of
desolation. The
place was covered with
high grass, and the remains of a few huts alone announced that the
place had
been the residence of the people whom they intended to destroy, but who
had
moved off to Scioto some time beforehand.
In
this dilemma what was
to be done? The
officers held a council,
in which it was determined to march one day longer in the direction of
Upper
Sandusky, and if they should not reach the town in the course of the
day to
make a retreat with all speed.
The
Battle.—The
march was commenced the next morning
through the plains of Sandusky, and continued until about two
o’clock, when the
advance guard was attacked and driven in by the Indians, who were
discovered in
large numbers in the high grass, with which the place was covered. The Indian army was at
that moment about
entering a piece of woods, almost entirely surrounded by plains; but in
this
they were disappointed by a rapid movement of our men.
The battle then commenced
by a heavy fire from both sides.
From a partial possession of the woods which they had
gained at the
onset of the battle, the Indians were soon dislodged.
They then attempted to gain a small skirt of
wood on our right flank, but were prevented from doing so by the
vigilance and
bravery of Maj. LEET, who commanded the right wing of the army at that
time. The firing
was incessant and heavy until
dark, when it ceased. Both
armies lay on
their arms during the night. Both
adopted the policy of kindling large fires along the line of battle,
and then
retiring some distance in the rear of them to prevent being surprised
by a
night attack. During
the conflict of the
afternoon three of our men were killed and several wounded.
In
the morning our army
occupied the battle ground of the preceding day.
The Indians made no attack during the day,
until late in the evening, but were seen in large bodies traversing the
plains
in various directions. Some
of them
appeared to be employed in carrying off their dead and wounded.
In
the morning of this day a council of the officers was held, in which a
retreat
was resolved on, as the only means of saving their army. The Indians appeared to
increase in number
every hour. During
the sitting of this
council, Colonel WILLIAMSON proposed taking one hundred and fifty
volunteers,
and
PAGE 887
marching
directly to Upper
Sandusky. This
proposition the
commander-in-chief prudently rejected, saying, “I have no
doubt but that you
would reach the town, but you would find nothing there but empty
wigwams, and
having taken off so many of our best men, you would leave the rest to
be
destroyed by the host of Indians with which we are now surrounded, and
on your
return they would attack and destroy you.
They care nothing about defending their towns; they are
worth
nothing. Their
squaws, children and
property have been removed from them long since.
Our lives and baggage are what they want, and
if they can get us divided they will soon have them.
We must stay together and do the best we
can.”
The
Indians Renew the Battle.—During
this day preparations were made for a retreat by burying the dead,
burning
fires over their graves to prevent discovery, and preparing means for
carrying
off the wounded. The
retreat was to
commence in the course of the night.
The
Indians, however, became apprized of the intended retreat, and about
sundown
attacked the army with great force and fury, in every direction,
excepting that
of Sandusky.
When
the line of march was
formed by the commander-in-chief, and the retreat
commenced, our guides prudently took the direction of Sandusky, which
afforded
the only opening in the Indian lines and the only chance of concealment. After marching about a
mile in this
direction, the army wheeled about to the left, and by a circuitous
route gained
the trail by which they came, before day.
They continued their march the whole of the next day, with
a trifling
annoyance from the Indians, who fired a few distant shots at the rear
guard,
which slightly wounded two or three men.
At night they built fires, took their suppers, secured the
horses and
resigned themselves to repose, without placing a single sentinel or
vedette for
safety. In this
careless situation, they
might have been surprised and cut off by the Indians, who, however,
gave them
no disturbance during the night, nor
afterwards during
the whole of their retreat. The
number
of those composing the main body in the retreat was supposed to be
about three
hundred.
The
Retreat.—Most unfortunately,
when a retreat was resolved on, a difference of opinion prevailed
concerning
the best mode of effecting it. The
greater number thought best to keep in a body and retreat as fast as
possible,
while a considerable number thought it safest to break off in small
parties and
make their way home in different directions, avoiding the route by
which they
came. Accordingly
many attempted to do so,
calculating that the whole body of the Indians would follow the main
army; in
this they were entirely mistaken.
The
Indians paid but little attention to the main body of the army, but
pursued the
small parties with such activity that but very few of those who
composed them
made their escape.
The
only successful
party which was detached from the main army was that of about forty men
under
the command of a Captain WILLIAMSON, who, pretty late in the night of
the
retreat, broke through the Indian lines under a severe fire, and with
some
loss, and overtook the main army on the morning of the second day of
the
retreat.
For
several days after
the retreat of our army, the Indians were spread over the whole
country, from
Sandusky to the Muskingum, in pursuit of the straggling parties, most
of whom were killed on
the spot. They even
pursued them almost to the banks of
the Ohio. A man of
the name of MILLS was
killed, two miles to the eastward of the site of St. Clairsville, in
the
direction of Wheeling from that place.
The number killed in this way must have been very great;
the precise
amount, however, was never fairly ascertained.
Colonel
CRAWFORD Captured.—At
the commencement of the retreat
Colonel CRAWFORD placed himself at the head of the army and continued
there
until they had gone about a quarter of a mile, when missing his son,
John
CRAWFORD, his son-in-law, Major HARRISON, and his nephews, Major ROSE
and
William CRAWFORD, he halted and called for them as the line passed, but
without
finding them. After
the army had passed
him, he was unable to overtake it, owing to the weariness of his horse. Falling in company with
Doctor KNIGHT and two
others, they travelled all the night, first north and then to the east,
to
avoid the pursuit of the Indians.
They
directed their courses during the night by the north
star.
On
the next day they
fell in with Captain John BIGGS and Lieutenant ASHLEY, the latter of
whom was
severely wounded. There
were two others
in company with BIGGS and ASHLEY.
They
encamped together the succeeding night.
On the next day, while on their march, they were attacked
by a party of
Indians, who made Colonel CRAWFORD and Doctor KNIGHT prisoners.
The other four made their escape, but Captain
BIGGS and Lieutenant ASHLEY were killed the next day.
Colonel
CRAWFORD and
Doctor KNIGHT were immediately taken to an Indian encampment at a short
distance from the place where they were captured.
Here they found nine fellow prisoners and
seventeen Indians. On
the next day they
were marched to the old Wyandot town, and on the next morning were
paraded, to
set off, as they were told, to go to the new town.
But alas! a
very
different destination awaited these captives! Nine of the prisoners
were
marched off some distance before the colonel and the doctor, who were
conducted
by PIPE and WINGENUND, two Delaware chiefs.
Four of the prisoners were tomahawked and scalped on the
way, at
different places.
Preparations
had been made for the execution of Colonel CRAWFORD, by setting a post
about
fifteen feet high in the ground, and making a large fire of hickory
poles about
six yards from it. About
half a mile
from the
PAGE 888
place of
execution the
remaining five of the nine prisoners were tomahawked and scalped by a
number of
squaws and boys. Colonel
CRAWFORD’S son
and son-in-law were executed at the Shawnese town. . . .
Dr.
KNIGHT was doomed to
be burned at a town about forty miles distant from Sandusky, and
committed to
the care of a young Indian to be taken there, but escaped. See Vol. II., page
Thus
ended this disastrous campaign. It was
the last one which took place in this section of the country during the
revolutionary contest of the Americans with the mother country. It was undertaken with the
very worst of
views, those of plunder and murder; it was conducted without sufficient
means
to encounter, with any prospect of success, the large force of Indians
opposed
to ours in the plains of Sandusky.
It
was conducted without that subordination and discipline so requisite to
insure
success in any hazardous enterprise, and it ended in a total
discomfiture. Never
did an enterprise more completely fail
of attaining its object. Never,
on any
occasion, had the ferocious savages more ample revenge for the murder
of their
pacific friends, than that which they obtained on this occasion.
Should
it be asked what
considerations led so great a number of people into this desperate
enterprise? Why
with so small a force
and such slender means they pushed on so far as the plains of Sandusky?
The
answer is, that many
believed that the Moravian Indians, taking no
part in the war, and having given offence to the warriors on several
occasions,
their belligerent friends would not take up arms in their behalf. In this conjecture they
were sadly mistaken. They
did defend them with all the force at their
command, and no wonder, for notwithstanding their Christian and pacific
principles, the warriors still regarded the Moravians as their friends,
whom it
was their duty to defend.
We have omitted to
copy from the
preceding the account of the burning of Colonel CRAWFORD, for the
purpose of
giving the details more fully. “The
spot
where CRAWFORD suffered,” says Col. John JOHNSTONE,
“was but a few miles west
of Upper Sandusky, on the old trace leading to the Big Spring, Wyandot
town. It was on the
right hand of the
trace going west, on a low bottom on the east back of the Tyemochte
creek. The
Delawares burnt CRAWFORD in satisfaction
for the massacre of their people at the Moravian towns on the
Muskingum.” It
was at a Delaware town which extended
along the Tyemochte. The
precise spot is
now [1846] owned by the heirs of Daniel HODGE, and is a beautiful
green, with
some fine oak trees in its vicinity.
The following is
from HECKEWELDER, and
describes an interview which CRAWFORD had with the Indian chief,
WINGENUND,
just previous to his death. Some
doubts
have been expressed of its truth as the historian HECKEWELDER has often
been
accused of being fond of romancing,
but Colonel JOHNSTONE (good authority here) expresses the opinion that
“it is
doubtless in the main correct”—that it gives the
spirit of what was said.
WINGENUND, and Indian Chief, had an interview with Colonel CRAWFORD just before his execution. He had been known to CRAWFORD some time before, and had been on terms of friendship with him, and kindly entertained by him at his own house, and therefore felt much attached to the colonel. WINGENUND had retired to his cabin that he might not see the sentence executed; but CRAWFORD sent for him, with the faint hope that he would intercede for and save him. WINGENUND accordingly soon appeared in presence of CRAWFORD, who was naked and bound to a stake. WINGENUND commenced the conversation with much embarrassment and agitation, as follows:
WINGENUND—“Are
you not Colonel
CRAWFORD?”
CRAWFORD—“I am.”
Wingenund, somewhat agitated, ejaculated, “So!—yes!—indeed!”
CRAWFORD—“Do
you
not recollect the
friendship that always existed between us, and that we were always glad
to see
each other?”
WINGENUND—“Yes!
I
remember all this, and that we have often drank
together, and that you have been kind to me.”
CRAWFORD—“Then I
hope the same friendship still continues.”
WINGENUND—“It
would, of course,
were you where you ought to be, and not here.”
CRAWFORD—And why
not here? I hope
you would not desert a friend in time
of need. Now is the
time for you to
exert yourself in my behalf, as I should do for you were you in my
place.”
WINGENUND—“Colonel CRAWFORD! You
have placed yourself in a
situation which puts it out of my power, and that of others of your
fiends, to
do anything for you.”
CRAWFORD—“How so, Captain WINGENUND?”
WINGENUND—“By joining yourself to that execrable man,
WILLIAMSON, and his party—the man who, but
the
other day, murdered
PAGE 889
such a
number of Moravian
Indians, knowing them to be friends; knowing that he ran no risk in
murdering a
people who would not fight, and whose only business was
praying.”
CRAWFORD—“But
I assure you, WINGENUND, that had I been with him at
the time this would not have happened.
Not I alone, but all your friends, and all good men,
whoever they are,
reprobate acts of this kind.”
WINGENUND—“That
my be; yet these
friends, these good men, did not prevent him from going out again to
kill the
remainder of these inoffensive, yet foolish Moravian Indians. I say foolish, because
they believed the
whites in preference to us. We
had often
told them they would be one day so treated by those people who called
themselves their friends! We
told them
there was no faith to be placed in what the white man said; that their
fair
promises were only intended to allure us that they might the more
easily kill
us, as they had done many Indians before these Moravians.”
CRAWFORD—“I
am sorry to hear you speak thus; as to WILLIAMSON’s
going out again, when it was known he was determined on it, I went out
with him
to prevent his committing fresh murders.”
WINGENUND—“This
the Indians would not believe, were even I to tell them so.”
CRAWFORD—“Why would they not believe?”
WINGENUND—“Because
it would have been out of your power to have prevented his doing what
he
pleased.”
CRAWFORD—“Out
of my power! Have any Moravian Indians
been killed or hurt
since we came out?”
WINGENUND—“None;
but you first went to their town, and finding it
deserted, you turned on the path towards us.
If you had been is search of warriors only, you would not
have gone
thither. Our spies
watched you
closely. They saw
you while you were
embodying yourselves on the other side of the Ohio.
They saw you cross the river—they saw where
you encamped for the night—they saw you turn off from the
path to the deserted
Moravian town—they knew you were going out of your
way—your steps were constantly
watched, and you were suffered quietly to proceed until you reached the
spot
where you were attacked.”
CRAWFORD felt that with
this sentence ended his last ray of hope, and now asked, with emotion,
“What do
they intend to do with me?”
WINGEMUND—“I
tell you with grief. As
WILLIAMSON, with his whole cowardly host,
ran off in the night at the whistling of our warriors’ balls,
being satisfied
that now he had no Moravians to deal with, but men who could fight, and
with
such he did not wish to have anything to do—I say, as they
have escaped and
taken you, they will take revenge on you in his stead.”
CRAWFORD—“And
is there no possibility of preventing this?
Can you devise no way of getting me off?
You shall, my friend, be well rewarded if you
are instrumental in saving my life.”
WINGENUND—“Had
WILLIAMSON been taken with you, I and some friends,
by making use of what you have told me, might perhaps have succeeded in
saving
you; but as the matter now stands, no man would dare to interfere in
your
behalf. The king of
England himself,
were he to come on to this spot, with all his wealth and treasure,
could not effect this
purpose.
The blood of the innocent Moravians, more than half of
them women and
children, cruelly and wantonly murdered, calls loudly for revenge. The relatives of the slain
who are among us
cry out and stand ready for revenge.
The
nation to which they belonged will have revenge.
The Shawanese, our grandchildren, have asked
for your fellow-prisoner; on him they will take revenge. All the nations connected
with us cry out,
Revenge! revenge!
The Moravians whom you
went to destroy, having fled,
instead of avenging their brethren, the offence is become national, and
the
nation itself is bound to take revenge!”
CRAWFORD—“My
fate is then fixed,
and I must prepare to meet death in its worst form.”
WINGENUND—“I
am sorry for it, but cannot do anything for you.
Had you attended to the Indian principle,
that as good and evil cannot dwell together in the same
heart, so a good man ought not to go into evil company,
you would not be
in this lamentable situation. You
see
now, when it is too late, after WILLIAMSON has deserted you, what a bad
man he
must be. Nothing
now remains for you but
to meet your fate like a brave man.
Farewell, Colonel CRAWFORD!—they are coming. I will retire to a
solitary spot.”
The savages then fell upon CRAWFORD.
WINGENUND, it is said, retired, shedding tears, and ever
after, when the
circumstance was alluded to, was sensibly affected.
The
account of the Burning
of Colonel Crawford
is related in the works of Dr. KNIGHT, his companion, and
an eye-witness
of this tragic scene:
When
we went to the fire the colonel was
stripped naked, ordered to sit down by the fire, and then they beat him
with
sticks and their fists. Presently after I was treated in the same
manner. They
then tied a rope to the foot of a post
about fifteen feet high, bound the colonel’s hands behind his
back and fastened
the rope to the ligature between his wrists.
The rope was long enough for him to sit down or walk round
the post once
or twice, and return the same way.
The
colonel then called to GIRTY, and asked if they intended to burn him? GIRTY answered,
“Yes.” The
colonel said he would take it all
patiently. Upon
this Captain PIPE, a
Delaware chief, made a speech to the Indians, viz., about thirty or
forty men,
sixty or seventy squaws and boys.
PAGE 890
When the speech was finished, they
all yelled a hideous and hearty
assent to what had been said. The
Indian
men then took up their guns and shot powder into the
colonel’s body, from his
feet as far up as his neck. I
think that
not less then seventy loads were discharged upon his naked body. They then crowded about
him, and to the best
of my observation cut off his ears; when the throng had dispersed a
little, I
saw the blood running from both sides of his head in consequence
thereof.
The fire was about six or seven
yards from the post to which the
colonel was tied; it was made of small hickory poles, burnt quite
through in
the middle, each end of the poles remaining about six feet in length. Three or four Indians by
turns would take up,
individually, one of these burning pieces of wood, and apply it to his
naked
body, already burnt black with the powder.
These tormentors presented themselves on every side of him
with the
burning fagots and poles. Some
of the
squaws took broad boards, upon which they would carry a quantity of
burning
coals and hot embers, and throw on him, so that in a short time he had
nothing but
coals of fire and hot ashes to walk upon.
In the midst of these extreme
tortures he called to Simon GIRTY and
begged of him to shoot him; but GIRTY making no answer, he called to
him
again. GIRTY then,
by way of derision,
told the colonel he had no gun, at the same time turning about to an
Indian who
was behind him, laughed heartily, and by all his gestures seemed
delighted at
the horrid scene.
GIRTY then came up and bade me
prepare for death. He
said, however, I was not to die at that
place, but to be burnt at the Shawanese towns.
He swore by G—d I need not expect to escape
death, but should suffer it
in all its extremities.
Colonel CRAWFORD, at this point of
his sufferings, besought the
Almighty to have mercy on his soul, spoke very low, and bore his
torments with
the most manly fortitude. He continued in all the
extremities of pain
for an hour and three-quarters or two hours longer, as near as I can
judge,
when at last, being almost exhausted, he lay down on his belly, they
then
scalped him, and repeatedly threw the scalp in my face, telling me,
that “that
was my great captain.” An
old squaw
(whose appearance every way answered the ideas people entertain of the
devil)
got a board, took a parcel of coals and ashes and laid them on his back
and
head, after he had been scalped; he then raised himself upon his feet
and began
to walk round the post; they next put a burning stick to him, as usual,
but he
seemed more insensible to pain than before.
The Indian fellow who had me in
charge now took me away to Capt.
PIPE’s house, about three-quarters of a mile from the place
of the colonel’s
execution. I was
bound all night, and
thus prevented from seeing the last of the horrid spectacle. Next morning, being June
12, the Indian
untied me, painted me black, and we set off for the Shawanese town,
which he
told me was somewhat less than forty miles distant from that place. We soon came to the spot
where the colonel
had been burnt, as it was partly in our way:
I saw his bones lying among the remains of the fire,
almost burnt to
ashes; I suppose, after he was dead, they laid his body on the fire. The Indian told me that
was my big captain,
and gave the scalp halloo.
The following
extract from an article in the American
Pioneer, by Joseph M’CUTCHEN, Esq., contains some
items respecting the death
of CRAWFORD, and GIRTY’s interference in his behalf, never
before
published. He
derived them from the
Wyandot Indians, who resided in the county, some of whom were quite
intelligent:
As
I have it, the story
respecting the battle is, that if CRAWFORD had rushed on when he first
came
among the Indians, they would have given way and made but little or no
fight;
but they had a talk with him three days previous to the fight, and
asked him to
give them three days to collect in their chiefs and head men of the
different
tribes, and they would then make a treaty of peace with him. The three days were
therefore given; and
during that time all their forces were gathered together that could be
raised
as fighting men, and the next morning CRAWFORD was attacked, some two
or three
miles north of the island where the main battle was fought. The Indians then gave back
in a south
direction, until they got into an island of timber which suited their
purpose,
which was in a large plain, now well known as Sandusky plains. There the battle continued
until night. The
Indians then ceased firing; and, it is
said, immediately afterwards a man came near to the army with a white
flag. Col. CRAWFORD
sent an officer to him. The
man said he wanted to talk with Col.
CRAWFORD, and that he did not want CRAWFORD to come nearer to him than
twenty
steps, as he (GIRTY) wanted to converse with CRAWFORD, and might be of
vast
benefit to him. CRAWFORD
accordingly
went out as requested.
GIRTY then said, “Col.
CRAWFORD, do you know
me?” The
answer was, “I seem to have
some recollection of your voice, but your Indian dress deprives me of
knowing
you as my acquaintance.”
The answer was
then, “My name is Simon GIRTY;” and after some more
conversation between them,
they knew each other well. GIRTY
said,
“CRAWFORD, my object in calling you here is to say to you
that the Indians have
ceased firing until
PAGE 891

Drawn by
Henry Howe in
1846.
CRAWFORD’S
MONUMENT
Crawford's Battle-Ground
PAGE 892
to-morrow
morning, when they
intend to commence the fight; and as they are three times as strong as
you are,
they will be able to cut you all off.
To-night the Indians will surround your army, and when
that arrangement
is fully made, you will hear some guns fire all around the ring. But there is a large swamp
or very wet piece
of ground on the east side of you, where there will be a vacancy; that
gap you
can learn by the firing, and in the night you had better march your men
through
and make your escape in an east direction.”