When I take the case in a political view, I can only say at this distance from the scene of action or danger I still persevere in the sentiment that an American ought to seek an emancipation from the British King, Ministry, and Parliament, at the risk of all his earthly possessions of whatever name. Nor is it the fear of danger that has prevented my preaching this doctrine in the Army at Headquarters, but I have hitherto judged it of more importance for me to cast in my mite into the treasury of public usefulness in my own country. Some of our Presbytery are superannuated or unhealthy, so that the few active members never had louder calls from both Church and State to exert themselves; and, I might add, that as all attention to a thing of such unspeakable advantage to both - I mean liberal education - must be given up near the seat of war, we think it incumbent upon us to spare no pains upon the two Academies which we have for some time been endeavouring to establish. The one in Prince Edward flourishes beyond our most sanguine expectations. It is furnished with excellent Tutors, and the great number of students has become a real grievance, so that it wants no human help to make it a miracle, considering its age and remote situation, but a few thousand pounds to furnish buildings. Although money has become very plenty in our country, yet we are discouraged at present from pushing subscriptions for the purpose by a popular sentiment which prevails, that we should secure our Independence before we pay our regards to the Muses; but any one who takes extensive views must be shocked with the prospect of our American people becoming barbarians and of making shipwreck in our Government for want of skill to guide the helm. I need say nothing as to what must soon be the condition of the Church without a learned as well as a faithful ministry. As to the progress of religion among us, I can not give you a very flattering account. The whole attention of the people is so given up to news and politics that I fear the one thing needful is neglected. As to our civil affairs, we are pretty unanimous. We have a most excellent Bill of Rights, and I think a good form of Government; but I ought to confess that I meddle very little with matters of civil concern, only to countenance the recruiting business as far as I have it in my power, and I sometimes have to fight with the prejudices, I would rather say the perverseness, of such as are inclining to Toryism among us. But we have reason to rejoice that we have few such cattle with us.

There is one thing, however, which might be called political in which I have interested myself very much. Our Bill of Rights declares that all men are equally entitled to the free exercise of religion according to the dictates of conscience, etc. Yet in some subsequent Acts it is manifest that our Assembly designed to continue the Old Church Establishment. This and some petitions that were circulated through various parts of the country in behalf of dignified Episcopacy gave a general alarm to people of dissenting principles, and the common cry was, If this is continued, what great advantage of being independent from Great Britain? And is it not as bad for our Assembly to violate their own Declaration of Rights as for the British Parliament to break our charter? The Baptists circulated a Counter Petition which was signed by above 10,000, chiefly Freeholders. Our Transalpine Presbyterians were much chagrined with what they understood was likely to be publicly done, and with what was said and done in a more private way against dissenters; and indeed many dissenters in every part of the country were unwilling any longer to bear the burthen of an Establishment. These circumstances induced our Presbytery to take the lead and prepare a Memorial on the subject, to be presented to our House at the session last fall; and as none of the members who were older in the ministry and better qualified could undertake it, the Presbytery appointed me their Deputy, which obliged me to make the case a particular study, which indeed I had done for some time before, and to attend the General Assembly for six or eight weeks. The result was, the Assembly passed an Act exempting dissenters for all time to come from supporting the Church of England, declaring all penal or persecuting laws against any mode of worship, etc., null and void, and for the present left all denominations to support their clergy by voluntary contributions, reserving the consideration of a general assessment for the support of religion (as they phrase it) to a future session. This you may suppose was very pleasing to some, and as ungrateful to others; and still there are many of a certain Church, I would rather say craftsmen, who are hoping that something will yet be done in favor of the Great Goddess Diana, and others are fearing that religious liberty and the right of private judgement will be abridged by our Assembly's taking upon them to interfere in a case that lies beyond the limits of civil government. Thus has the affair ended, or rather proceeded, without producing any other consequence than a day or two's debating in the house and a little newspaper bickering.

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