History of Zerne

 

 

 

 

HANS TABAR:

 

History

of

ZERNE

 

HOMELAND BOOK OF THE SISTER COMMUNITIES

DEUTSCH- AND SERBISCH-ZERNE

 

 
Translated by Fran Matkovich
and Mara Henderson

Editing and Design by Mara Henderson

 

 

 


Geschichte von Zerne
was originally published in Munich by Oliver Ledermüller
© Hans Tabar, 1973

This English translation copyright ©2004-2024
by Fran Matkovich and Mara Henderson

Cover picture courtesy of Géza Sz
űcs

 



Foreword

    Early in my youth, I decided to write a history of my homeland. However, one needs information to complete this task. I hoped to find this in the archives of the community, the parish rectory, the estate of Count Csekonics, and the mother community of Hatzfeld. Unfortunately, my efforts were fruitless. So I gave up searching for old documents and devoted myself to the collection of the memories of older fellow countrymen. In this way, I received many a valuable communication of personal memories from the people involved and oral records passed down from settlement times. I examined the collection of materials carefully, and this first became useful when, in 1943, I had to submit a history of the community at the request of higher authorities. Before this time, I had already been given the opportunity to verify and complete my collection of materials from similar publications to the extent that it was necessary for our community.
    After the stirring events of World War II and the period thereafter, it occurred to me again that I should write down the details of events and not let them be forgotten. This was quite a task that required great commitment and much dedication, but it brought me closer to my goal. My fellow countryman, Josef Kampf, with his female colleagues, was also involved. Additional valuable material was provided by Jakob Nickels, our last vice-notary, Anton Kampf, and my countryman, Matthias Kampf of Hatzfeld. To them and to all who put themselves at our disposal or in other ways cooperated for the completion of this book, my heartfelt thanks.
    The goal of this work is to provide the youth and succeeding generations an image of the fate and accomplishments of their ancestors. But it should also keep alive the thoughts and remembrances of their ancestors.
    May this book be granted a good reception and large circulation!

    Karlsfeld, 1973

                                                                                The Author

                                                                                    Hans Tabar
                                                                                Senior Primary Schoolteacher, Retired
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Table of Contents

The Northwest Banat


6

The Banat, Our Homeland

    Our former homeland was the Banat. It lies in the southern part of the Pannonian lowland plain between the Danube River, the Theiss, Marosch, and Siebenburg Mountains. It has a surface of 28,000 qkm [quadratkilometers or square kilometers]. The population before World War I was 1.5 million.
    The land is flat in the west, rolling, and mountainous in the east. The history of the Banat is very changeable. No doubt, the Romans walked the lands of our homeland, and there were Roman legions stationed there after they conquered Decebal, the king of Dacia, and made the Siebenburgs a Roman province.
    During the great migrations, which shook the empire of the Romans to their foundations, Goths, Gepids, and Vandals marched through this region. In the year 375 it was under the command of the Huns, who founded a great empire under their king Attila (Etzel) that fell into ruin after Attila’s death. Lombards and later Avars succeeded the Huns. The latter were totally vanquished by Karl the Great.
    In 896 A.D., the Hungarians (Magyars) conquered the Banat. They took possession of the land within the Carpathians, overthrew the resident tribes, and founded a permanent abode there. It did not all go smoothly. They harassed the neighboring nations. They led raids into other countries. The tribal princes were always fighting among themselves. Under the first king, Stefan the Holy, the Magyars were converted to Christianity and more peaceful and more favorable times followed for the country.
     However, the dangers from outside had no end. The incursion of the Cumans and the march of the crusaders through the land caused terrible devastation. Scarcely had the first sign of improvement appeared when the troops of the Greek emperor Manuel destroyed our homeland.
    In 1242, the Mongols broke out of Asia, invaded Hungary and the Banat, and devastated it completely. Hungarian king Béla IV himself had to flee. After the departure of these wild hordes,

7

the country was a picture of total devastation. Only slowly did the people who endured this destruction venture out of their hiding places. A small number survived this sudden and cruel invasion and began reconstruction.
    The population had only slowly multiplied before a new threat arose. The Turks from Asia, having invaded and conquered the lands of the Balkan Peninsula (1389 Battle of Amselfeld), also invaded the Banat and brought in the plague. The already sparse population was newly decimated. In 1526, the Hungarian king Ludwig II suffered an annihilating defeat at Mohács, and the Turks pressed forward their advantage. Their goal was the conquest of Vienna. Only with the help of the Polish king Jan Sobieski could they be repelled from this siege in 1683. Now came a turning point in the long battle against the Turks. Finally, in 1686, Ofen (Budapest) was re-conquered, and there followed the liberation of the territories subjugated by the Turks. The triumphant battles of Prince Eugen von Savoy at Zenta (1697) and Temesvar, and the ensuing conclusion of peace at Passarovitz (1718), finally delivered the Banat from the Turks. A setback occurred once more in 1737 with a new outbreak of the Turkish War. To protect the boundaries from the Turks, so-called military borders were established; these borders were colonized by military farmers. Their task was to protect the land from the constant Turkish invasions.
     What did the Banat look like after the Turkish dominion?
    Where there had once been flourishing villages before the Turkish rule, now were only ruins and leftover rubble, fruitful fields overgrown by wilderness. Weed, cane, brushwood, and forest grew over everything. Here every kind of beast of prey, wolves, wild hogs, and birds of prey found shelter. Rivers overflowed their banks, changed their course. Puddles and wild watercourses arose. The land became marsh. The marsh formed a breeding place for harmful insects. The vapors were not healthy. The inhabitants were nomadic Slav herders who lived in caverns. The land was very sparsely settled. It made sense, therefore, to colonize it and bring it into cultivation. The first governor of the Banat was Count Claudius Florimund Mercy. His first task was to transform the fallow lands into fruitful farmland through the settlement of colonists. He had the land surveyed and had the Bega canal built so that the extensive lands were drained. 
Then he allowed settlers to come 

8

from Germany, France, Italy and Spain, mainly farmers, to whom he allocated fields and home sites. The Turkish War in 1737 led to a setback in the colonization. Many settlers fled. Others became victims of pestilence.
    The second large settlement occurred under the reign of Maria Theresa. These were Catholic Germans from the German Empire and, to a smaller extent, French from Alsace-Lorraine.
    What induced the settlers to leave their homeland? When it became known that the empress had issued the “Charter of Colonization" ("Kolonisierungs-Patent”) in 1763, recruiters and agents were drawn throughout the land to enlist settlers. The recruitment had good results, especially in the southwestern area of Germany. The settlers were granted an allocation of land, home sites, a fee allotment of timber and firewood, and freedom from taxation for 6 years. Craftsmen received freedom from taxation for 10 years. For the journey, the colonists received daily travel expenses based on the number of family members. The difficult trip into the Banat went through Ulm, Regensburg to Vienna. Here they received the charters and travel money to Ofen (Budapest) and from there, additional travel money to the Banat. The offer was enticing and the decision to move as settlers to distant Hungary, into the Banat, alleviated problems in their homeland at that time. Due to many wars, the people were impoverished, the tax burdens were huge, the tariffs high, and likewise the rents. The chicanery of civil servants was no less troublesome. All these things together promoted the decision for emigration.
     Although many incentives were given which favored and led to the decision of the colonists, there still followed a difficult farewell. Everything that was beloved and dear to them up until then had to be left behind. Sons, daughters, brothers, sisters, good friends, or neighbors remaining at home were forlorn. The settlers felt the pain of separation twice, for not only did they leave behind their loved ones, but also the homeland that had always given them much beauty and much joy. Many private tears were shed before the trip for they knew the separation could be forever.
    So they set out upon their laborious journey. A murderous climate and wilderness awaited them upon their arrival in the Banat. With unparalleled courage and diligence, they took on the 
battle, and

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it took ten years before they became master of the perils and made for themselves a new homeland. The battle against epidemics and arduous cultivation of the earth cost hundreds of lives, but their efforts and perspiration were rewarded at the end with success. The Banat became the breadbasket of Europe.
    After the liberation, it became an imperial province and was administered by the Vienna councilor. His respective regents were the king and queen of the House of Habsburg-Lorraine. After World War I, the Banat was divided between Yugoslavia and Romania. Romania received the larger eastern section and Yugoslavia the smaller western section.


10

The Reasons for Settlement of the Banat

    Since the Banat had been freed from the Turks with a huge sacrifice of blood in the victorious campaigns of Prince Eugen, there was a question about the security of the regained possession. Even when the Turks had been forced back into the area lying south of the Danube, there were still constant raids by smaller Turkish troops along the borders. To prevent this, and to enable peaceful development in these possessions, proper measures had to be taken.
    This led to the decision to settle soldiers as farmers along the boundaries in a wide border patrol. Their task was to avert the smaller Turkish raids as defense farmers and, as such, they were under the command of their border regiments. Special privileges were granted to them. This border patrol was known as the military frontier.
    However, even larger troops had to be stationed in the northern areas for they had to reckon with the problem of much more adverse invasions.
    The larger troop federations required a large amount of provision, war materials, equipment, and other things. These often had to be procured from distant territories of the empire with great difficulty and effort. So arose the plan for the settlement of the Banat.
    The first settlers who received land were veterans, members of the baggage train, and camp followers. Next came thousands of settlers, mainly from the southwestern part of the empire.
    By these two measures, establishment of the military border and settlement and cultivation of the Banat, the security and provisions for the army were guaranteed not only for the present but also for the future.
    Connected to the settlement were the following sovereigns and generals:

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    1. Kaiser Karl VI. (1711—1740),
    2. Empress Maria Theresa (1746—1780),
    3. Kaiser Josef II. (1780—1790),
    4. Prince Eugen von Savoy,
    5. General Count Claudius Florimund Mercy.


    Kaiser Karl VI. He was the father of the succeeding Empress Maria Theresa. During his reign, colonization of the Banat began.

    Empress Maria Theresa. The largest portion of settlement occurred under her time of reign. Over 50,000 families established themselves in the barely populated territories of southern Hungary. They took upon themselves the development of their lands and strengthened the Germans. The objective was a united state. She limited enforced labor, implemented freedom of the farmers to own property, supported trade and industry, and ordered the opening of schools for the people. During her reign, only Catholic settlers were allowed. In gratitude for the help of the Hungarians in the Seven Years War (1756-1763), she granted them certain privileges. The Hungarian language became the administrative language in the Banat, which was to the disadvantage of the German people.

    Josef II. He permitted the settlement of Protestants in the Banat, abolished serfdom, and granted his subjects freedom of speech and freedom of the press, for which he received the name “Josef the German”. His objective was a monolingual united state. To the woe of the German settlers and the placation of the Hungarians, he withdrew all of his reform measures on his deathbed.

    Prince Eugen von Savoy. “The noble knight” freed our homeland from the Turks and saved the West from Islam. He was a well-educated, religious and art-loving man, one of the greatest personalities of his era, a triumphant general and a great statesman.

    General Count Claudius Florimund Mercy. He was the first governor of the Banat. Under his direction, reconstruction of the Banat was most seriously pursued. He had the canalization of the Banat completed, resulting in a decline of the dreaded swamp fever (malaria) that had previously taken thousands of lives. Fruitful fields and farmlands soon spread out upon this reclaimed land. He

12

had mulberry bushes planted and brought in silkworms. Even today the village of Mercydorf in the Romanian Banat carries his name.
    Furthermore, if that unhealthy swamp soon sprang into a rich harvest full of farms and vineyards, then that is also a credit to Count Mercy.
    Adam Müller praised his accomplishments in this way:

From a wilderness, it became a blooming Eden,
From swamps there arose a new world.

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Table of Contents

The Settlement

    In the year 1753, 68 Serbians, among them a few Romanian families, came into the territory of our homeland community as settlers from Boldur Ried, which they left because of the constant threat of flooding. Boldur Ried was in the vicinity of the future village of Deutsch-Sankt-Michael in today’s Romanian Banat, near the community of Csene. They settled on the black bar jutting out of the flood area where Csekonics' stud farm (Ménes) later stood. From there came the first name, Crna-Greda [Black Bar]. Later the settlement was moved to where the Serbian church stands today. Since the earth was black they named the place Crnja (Zerne). In the 17th century, a settlement there called Olesch or Olasch was destroyed by the Turks. In 1775, the Serbian church was built on the site.
    In 1790, Josef von Csekonics settled our ancestors just west of the Serbian village. Even before the settlement a few German families were there. In the beginning, there were only 55 houses. All of the first settlers came from the neighboring village of Hatzfeld. From the origin of the settlers, we derived the Hatzfeld street names (Trierer-, Mainzer-, Luxemburger-, Lothringer-Gasse). New settlers constantly streamed out of Hatzfeld, Heufeld, Mastort, St. Hubert, Soltur, and Charlevill. In 1800, there were already 218 houses and 112.5 sessions [Ed. note: a land measure of 35 to 47

13

acres, depending on the source] of community land for farming, grazing, and gardening, and, in fact, 89 whole sessions, 43 halves, 6 quarters, and 4 eighths. In 1800, Zerne received 167 acres for the parish priest, school, and butcher’s stall, 4 acres for the church yard, and 6 acres for the inn.
    From the beginning, the German and Serbian settlement was composed of two political communities with independent administration.

    Upon settlement, every colonist received a home site and a 600 square fathom wine garden, which was first chartered in the year 1856. They rented the fields, which remained the property of the estate.

           The lords of the manor were:

General Jozsef Csekonics,
Count János Csekonics, Zsombolya és Janovai,

Count Endre Csekonics, Zsombolya és Janovai.

    The lease had to be paid with money, natural produce, and hard labor. The farmers often had to deliver the produce all the way to Becse on the Theiss River. At that time, many had to give up their fields because they could not keep the heavy commitments.
    Later, the community meadows (Hotter) were newly surveyed and the village of Deutsch-Zerne was given 17,000 joch [Ed. note: the area a yoke of oxen can plow in one day – about 1.44 acres]. The land register of the community consisted of two sections. To the first section belonged 3,000 Kat. joch (1 Kat. joch = 1,600 square fathoms); to the second section, 14,000 Kat. joch. The first part belonged to the farmers; the second part, the manor farmyards (majorok), German wine gardens, and 140 joch clover gardens, were owned by the nobility.
    The village of Serbisch-Zerne had a 4,500 Kat. joch field. Its population consisted of farmers, tradesmen, merchants, and cottagers.
    There were 140 farmers in Deutsch-Zerne. Each one leased 25 joch of farmland from the manor lords: a 17 joch farm field, a 7 joch meadow, and a 1 joch clover garden. After the introduction of crop rotation, the order of plantings in the individual fields of the manor lords was prescribed and had to be strictly observed. The lease contained the following requirements: in addition to the exact amount no longer being determined, every farmer was obliged to mow, dry and gather into haystacks a 2 joch field of vetch, to reap and set on their backs a 4 joch field of wheat, to import 300 back loads of wheat, and, in the fall, everyone had to till a 4 joch field and plant root
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vegetables and hemp. The farmer was allowed to sell his lease but only to someone acceptable to the lord of the manor. He could bequeath it to only one of his children.
    After the families became very rich in children, they were very short of land for building; therefore, they extended the main street to the south. Until then, it extended only to the houses of Christoph Grün and Johann Bischof. For this reason, the southern part of the main street is named “Neue-Gasse" [New Street]. In 1850, they began to extend the double street to the Serbisch-Zerne district in the south where there previously had been wine gardens and a Serbian cemetery. This Serbisch-Zerne area inhabited by Germans was named after a former higher court judge, Ferenczyutca (in the common tongue Ferenc-utca). This accounts for the large German population in Serbisch-Zerne. The German school building in Serbisch-Zerne was built upon the former churchyard land. Mostly poorer people who earned their livelihood as day laborers, servants at the manor, or as groups at harvest or threshing lived there. Each fellow was awarded a 1 joch corn field and a 1/4 joch field of potatoes. Many of these groups were familiar. The group leaders were Johann Tabar (Tschak), Michael Grün, Michael Heschel, and Josef Killberger. Another part of the population of our sister communities, who were able to purchase
horses, carriages and farming tools, worked on the manor field for an agreed amount of the harvest (contractor). They maintained a parcel of clover field. There a considerable number of artisans also found work and a good livelihood.

——————◊——————

Table of Contents

Our Sister Communities
Geographic Locations, Conditions, and Appearance

    Our sister communities lay in the northeastern part of the Yugoslavian Banat at the Romanian border. The distance to the border was 3 kilometers. The district of Julia-major, part of Count Csekonics' properties, lay directly at the boundary, on the Betschkerek-Hatzfeld road that passed

15

through our community. In the Romanian area 5 kilometers from the frontier lies the beautiful German municipality of Hatzfeld from which came the largest proportion of our pioneer ancestors. In the north were our neighboring communities of Heufeld, Mastort and Ruskodorf, somewhat further northwest, the so-called French villages of St. Hubert, Soltur, and Charlevill. In the south were the neighboring communities of Hungarian-Zerne (Nova Crnja) and Vojvoda Stepo, in the northeast, Klarija, in the southeast, Hetin.
    The terrain of our villages was flat; they lay on a fruitful plain where there were neither mountains nor rivers nor streams. The fruitful terrain provided abundant crop yields.

    The climate of our homeland was moderate in its continental character, summer being hot and dry with occasional thunderstorms and hail that caused some damage to the crops. The winter was not too cold and did not last too long. The late autumn and spring brought most precipitation. Whenever the ground-water level was high, the fields would flood and considerable damage occurred.

    Our two municipalities actually formed a large settlement whose eastern area populated by Serbians and southwestern area populated by Germans was known as Serbisch-Zerne. However, the western area formed the community of Deutsch-Zerne. Consequently, some houses in Serbisch-Zerne that were inhabited by Serbians belonged to Deutsch-Zerne, and some isolated German houses in Deutsch-Zerne actually belonged to Serbisch-Zerne. This strange situation had occurred due to the land ownership within each settlement.

    Relationships between both population groups were good, proper, and benevolent until the end of World War I. The change in political circumstances, deliberate arousal of national feelings and passions, partitioning of the Csekonics holdings among Serbian volunteers (Dobrovoljci) and colonists, development of two large Serbian colonies on Deutsch-Zerne property, and the blatant attempt of the administration to strengthen the Slavish element — without consideration for the interests and limited alternatives of the long-time German residents — led to a deterioration of good

16

relationships. With the numerical rearrangement of population areas in Deutsch-Zerne whereby the Serbians achieved majority, there arose such violent altercations over the community political property that the community seat was relocated to the colony of Vojvoda Stepo and the name of the village became Vojvoda Stepo. Only with extreme difficulty did Deutsch-Zerne become autonomous again.
    Over the course of time, passions cooled down again and relations with one another improved so that, especially during the hard times of World War II, order was generally maintained and everyone tried to provide protection to each other.

    Our communities had straight lanes running parallel that were joined by cross lanes. They were immaculate, especially the areas inhabited by Germans. A row of trees, mainly acacias, was planted along both sides of the pavement, and a lovely fragrance emanated during the blooming season. Footpaths were paved all the way through with firebricks so that one could also walk easily in bad weather. The houses were without floors, the roofs covered with tiles. In earlier times, the walls were made of rammed earth; later they were constructed with kiln bricks up to the base height and much later completely with kiln bricks. The area between the walls was filled with clay. The main gable faced the street. The house extended to a courtyard and, on the courtyard side, a wide gangway that in many cases was threaded with wine grapes or other vines, was usually slab-built. The farmer’s house consisted of the following rooms: toward the street was the parlor. It was only used occasionally and was the showroom of the house. The kitchen was located inside where a door led to the courtyard. Next was a small room that served as living room and lounge. Here most of the life of the family was spent. Then came the pantry, the storage house of supplies, which often was used as a second kitchen. The rooms usually had wooden floors. Last of all were the stalls for the cattle. In the attic, grain was stored; in the cellar, potatoes, wine, etc. That is the general picture of a farmer’s house. Well-to-do people, who wanted to have more living space, extended the house along the street, so there developed the Winkelhaus [crooked or angled house].

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    In the courtyard space parallel to the main building, there was an auxiliary building. The summer kitchen was often located here followed by a wagon and supply shed. In the farmhouse were also supplies of straw, hay, chaff, cornhusks, pig stalls, and the corn storage “kotarka”. The property was surrounded with a fence made of wire, boards, or slats. On the street side was a brick wall and rarely locked wooden gate. The houses and rooms were beautifully plastered inside and outside. The living rooms and hallway were painted. Order and cleanliness dominated overall, on the streets, in the house and the courtyard, so that everything gave a pleasing impression.

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Table of Contents


Local Administration

    A short time after the settlement of our community we had to address some problems so that proper order would reign in our village. Every settler had obligations to assume, the fulfillment of which had to be monitored for the common good. That was the task of the court of law. In the fore was the supreme judge, and there were also the following members: the lower court judge, several jury members, and an orphanage superintendent. To them was entrusted the administration of the community. The supreme judge controlled unlimited power of the establishment and therefore, everyone had great respect for him. Elections were as follows: the lord of the manor had the right to recommend three capable citizens for these positions and the vote took place by acclamation. Whoever had the most votes was elected. In the same way, the remaining members of the town council and the aldermen were elected.
    The members of the town council helped the judge in the execution of his office. The treasurer managed the finances. The orphanage superintendent watched over the fate of orphans and their assets. The lower court judge (a civil servant) had various public services to provide. He also kept order and proclaimed orders of the town council with drumbeats and loud cries.

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    The town council and the aldermen held their meetings in the community house. Community officials performed the written work. At the head stood the notary public. His deputy was the vice-notary public.

    In the first decades after the settlement of Zerne, as the laws and police duties were still not exactly defined, the town judge had a lot of power and authority. If someone should get into debt, commit a misdemeanor, play some pranks, or commit petty theft, the judge had the right to impose heavy penalties. The culprit was arrested or whipped as punishment. At the whipping, he had to lie on a bench in the presence of curious onlookers and receive from the judge the number of strikes that had been assigned to him with a hazel stick. After the refinement of the laws and police duties, the town judge was allowed to declare only very small administrative penalties. The militia, which kept the peace at night and protected the goods and chattels of inhabitants, was no longer necessary; the constabulary undertook these duties.

    Our community belonged to the district seat of Hatzfeld (Zsombolya). The district judge and Finance Office were also there. In 1924 Hatzfeld became part of Romania in a boundary treaty between Yugoslavia and Romania, and the communities of Modosch (Jaša Tomić) and Pardan (Ninčićevo) were annexed to Yugoslavia. From then on our district seat was Jaša Tomić and the district court and finance office were in Grossbetschkerek.

    In the course of time, the name of our village was changed several times:

   Deutsch-Cernya, Német-Czernya, Németczernya, Németcsernye, Nemačka-Crnja, Deutsch-Zerne; Crnja, Czernya, Csernye, Srpska Crnja.

    The official language until 1830 was Latin (predominantly),

1830—1849 Hungarian,
1849—1881 German,
1881—1918 Hungary,
1918—1945 Serbian.

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    As far as can be determined the following town judges served in Deutsch-Zerne in the years from 1886 through 1944:

1.

   Nikolaus Schleimer

House Number 63
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
   Jakob Schweininger
   Johann Michels
  Johann Weissmann
   Nikolaus Schleimer
   Josef Kreps
   Josef Frauenhoffer
   Johann Schäfer
   Johann Stiebel
   Anton Schulz
   Josef Neumayer
   Anton Stiebel
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
252
64
55
63
80
276
32
46
53
249
260
13.    Jovo Milić Vojv. Stepo
14.
15.
   Johann Retzler
   Peter Stein
House
"
Number
"
256
49
    In Serbisch-Zerne, the Serbian portion of the population determined the town judge. The last one was a German, Anton Kremer, who became a sacrifice to the partisans. During Yugoslavian times the judge was usually appointed.

Notaries in Deutsch-Zerne were:

Krebs
Paul Kalmus
Nikolaus Lazar
Lambić
Balogi

Cedomir Kosić
Alexander Vučetić
Dusan Kirić
Anton Laux
Peter Behacker

Vice Notaries were:

Nikolaus Hary
Josef Stiebel
Milan Stojković
Hugo Basch
Paul Wilgermein
Zarko Savin

Martin Bremer
Cernai
Mirko Kopić
Petar Vukelić
Anton Laux
Anton Kampf

The town clerks were:

Matthias Kampf
Johann Roth
Jakob Nickels
Kristof Renye

Peter Feuerholz
Franz Themare
Michael Kampf
Matthias Kampf

Manorial System, Lord of Patronage

    The territory of our homeland community was owned by the Csekonics family. Since the Banat had been freed from the Turks, it was under the administration of the Vienna exchequer who was anxious to market Banater goods to deserving nobles for, due to the many wars that Austria had to fight, the treasury was empty and had to be filled up. For this reason, the territory came into the possession of the Csekonics family. They descended from Croatian nobility and provided the imperial army many courageous commissioned officers. One of them, of course, was Josef von Csekonics, the Austrian general. As soon as the Csekonics family took possession of the territory, they considered it their foremost task to settle and reclaim the land. In the course of time, fruitful farmland would spring from this wilderness and swampland. As their domicile they chose Hatzfeld, in the middle of which they built a beautiful castle which was surrounded by a wonderful park. Later there arose at the southern outskirts of the community a larger castle built in the English style with a beautiful well-kept park and a forest, which became cherished by the Hatzfeld people as a place for outings. A beautiful parkway led from Hatzfeld to this castle (Csitó). Just next to Csitó was the burial vault of the count’s family where family members found their final resting-place. Besides these two castles, the count’s family owned several palaces in the capital city of Budapest, Hungary, and a property in Enying with a 7,000 joch field in the vicinity of Budapest. Their Banat territory was 33,000 joch. Three communities were settled there: Deutsch-Zerne, Hungarian-Zerne, and Csösztelek (Tschestelek).
    Fourteen thousand joch of the count’s territory belonged to Deutsch-Zerne. For easier management tenant farms were built. Officers, hired workers, craftsmen, and other attendants lived there, and they administered and worked the estate. Hundreds of villagers also found work and income there. The administrative center of the property was in Hatzfeld. Included in Deutsch-Zerne were the following tenant farms: Julia-major, Sziget-major, Endre-major, Szöllös-major, Konstancia-major, Klein- Konstancia-major, Klein-Rokus-major, Leona-major, Sándor-major, Klein-Julia-major, Margitháza, and Fácányos.

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    Besides farming there were some centers of emphasis for other branches of trade. Klein-Julia-major and Szöllös-major had large dairies; Klein-Konstancia-major and Sziget-major were centers for pig breeding.
    There were schools in Julia-major and Konstancia-major for children of the employees. There was also a church in Konstancia-major where the chaplain from Deutsch-Zerne held services every Sunday. A doctor was responsible for the medical care of the employees. The pastor and doctor received a yearly stipend. A wagon and driver were also placed at the doctor's disposal free of charge. In Julia-major, there was a steam mill, large warehouses, electric lighting, and large workshops for the maintenance and repair of the farming machines. Also near Julia-major was the manorial stud farm (Ménes), the center of horse breeding for the property.

    The individual tenant farms were linked together by wide streets, on both sides of which acacia trees were planted. Even an industrial railroad connected the larger farms. At Julia-major they had a connection to the Betschkerek-Hatzfeld narrow gauge railway. The nobility had contributed a large sum toward its construction. Likewise, they contributed much to the commercial development of all the villages along the rail line.

    A great deal of attention was also given to the wilderness preserve. The area had many small woodlands. The largest was a few hundred joch so-named Jägerwald (Hunter’s Woods), where deer and pheasant were bred. There was also an office for the ranger.

    The whole territory was threaded with trenches that led to the Bega River. They served as drainage of the earth and ground water and averted the accumulation of water on the farmlands.

    Through their investment and cultivation, the territories of the manor became a model economy that was often inspected by foreign visitors.

     Our community owed much to the manorial system.  The manor lords made it possible for our ancestors not only to find a new homeland, but they stood at their sides and even provided the community with counsel and action.  They had permitted a school and church to be built and they always helped with open hands on rainy days to relieve trouble and prevent perils in times of

22

emergency or misfortune. The manor lords also built a convent, maintained it, and paid the sisters for their expenses.  Whenever anyone was in personal need or distress, he always found a listener and was energetically assisted.

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Table of Contents

Development Up to World War I

    The life of our ancestors in the time of the settlement was extremely difficult. In an unfamiliar climate, with primitive tools and equipment, in a swampy region full of noxious fumes, they worked the earth with its lush undergrowth and weeds. Wild, dangerous beasts threatened their health and life. Parasites destroyed the crops while flooding of the fields and hailstorms also contributed. One can truly visualize how difficult the work was if one wanted to make a furrow in bristly, overgrown earth with a wooden plow that has weak traction. How long would one have to work a field until even 1 joch is plowed! So, of course, all family members capable of working had to help in the field. In the beginning, they could not even think of plowing the grounds every year. The sowings took place mostly in the clod-filled soil where the seed grew with difficulty. When the time came for the maize to be harvested, they performed this chore with a hoe, for the chopping plow was still unknown at that time. And when the harvest time came, again all work-hardy members had to work the fields. Thunderstorms and hailstorms threatened to blast the earth, and so haste was necessary. The lord of the manor could demand at any time that the prescribed manual labor be performed on his property; then everyone had to stop and leave their work in order to meet their obligations to the manor lord. When one realizes that they cut their crop with a sickle — in the beginning the scythe was still unknown — then one can conjecture how long the reaping lasted. When the crops at the manor and and at home had been brought in, then the toilsome labor of treading began. Treading on the threshing floor with horses, if there was no rain, often lasted from 3 in the morning until 9 o'clock at night. As long as the wind blew, the well-trodden corn was flung on

23

high with the chaff, whereby the wind blew away the chaff and the fruit fell below. When these chores were done, then began the work of corn cracking, cutting and spreading mulch. Autumn sowing often lasted until Christmas if the weather was bad. The community meadows were divided and the same variety of grain was grown in each meadow year after year because the benefits of crop rotation were still unknown. The fallow meadow was used as a cattle feedlot. The young cattle stayed there day and night from spring until fall; after the reaping, they dug it all up like the stubble meadows. To stop thieves, meadow guards were elected who received a fair amount of fallow meadow in kind. The cowshed manure was at first not brought out onto the fields because there was no time for that. They took it to the ground pit and unloaded it there.
    Under these conditions, it was really a huge effort for our forefathers to endure in their new homeland. Although many sacrificed and many failed, their iron will, diligence, perseverance, and firm confidence in a better future always inspired them with new courage. In time they could acquire better tools, equipment and machinery to lighten their load, facilitate better management, and make life easier.
     Let us review the most important events:
    From 1816 to 1836 there were frequent crop failures caused by floods, hailstorms, rust, locusts, caterpillars and beetles. There was no harvest at all in 1836. In the years 1831, 1836, and 1849 cholera raged and claimed many fatalities. In 1848 the Hungarian Revolution erupted and ended in 1849. It brought no damage or victims to the community. The 1850s were rather good; except for small cattle plagues, they were good years. The years 1860 and 1861-1862 were very dry and the wells dried up. In 1863 there was a crop failure. There was neither bread nor fodder. In 1866 the crops froze in the field, and in 1868-1869 there was much hail damage. In 1870, the fields were so flooded that in 1871, 1872 and 1863 they were swampland. The years 1874-1882 became known as the Rust Years, during which the people
suffered much privation. In 1882, this developed into

24

famine and the manor lords had provisions distributed to the people to relieve their destitution. On September 23, 1886, there was a fire in the house of Michael Schulz, Number 131. The rapidly spreading flames reduced 40 houses to ash along with a large amount of supplies and animal feed and brought the greatest misfortune to everyone involved. Again in 1904, several houses on Neuen-Gasse were sacrificed to flames.
    The years before World War I saw the inhabitants growing stronger and they seized the opportunity to enlarge their properties. The first opportunity was in the Serbisch-Zerne meadow. Up to 32 joch fields were purchased here. In 1905, the Deutsch-Zerne farmers received those fields as a replacement, but only 17 joch, not 25. The clover garden was eliminated (140 joch) and the meadows, still 7 joch, remained under lease until 1911; until then the lease was paid and slave labor was rendered. For 17 joch, the purchase price was 13,000 crowns, and this amount was amortized for 65 years. The manor lord built the Sándor-major farmhouse on the former meadows.

    It should also be mentioned that the Deutsch-Zerne grazing pasture (140 joch) that spread out to the west of the community was sold in 1908 to poor people (1-2 joch), leaving merely 30 joch for community use as a cattle and soil pit.

    In 1906 the property of the Ernö von Kiss family was parceled out – he was one of the Honvéd generals executed October 6, 1849 in Arad – as was the property of the Duke of Parma, the family of the later Austrian Empress Zita, in 1911. So it was necessary for the farmers to take every opportunity to expand their property, of which they freely availed themselves. The latter property belonged to the communities of Mastort and Toba. At that time, farmers purchased a 1,200 joch field. This newly acquired property was located some distance away from their existing property, which would have made cultivation difficult. For this reason, the property owners constructed farm inns (Puszta, Sallasch, Hodaja) with the requisite servant quarters, stables, working quarters, and everything else that was necessary for husbandry. They even provided lodging for the summer stay of the farm owners.

    In 1944, Zerne inhabitants owned farm inns in the following communities: Ittebe, Mastort, Toba, Topola, Vojvoda-Stepo, Klarija, and Deutsch-Zerne.

Enterprise, Commerce, Health Service
Up to World War I

     The heavy and difficult work our ancestors had to perform during the time of settlement and the primitive tools with which they accomplished it demonstrated to us their very early ingenuity. However, development and progress did not stand still. In time, more practical tools, implements, and machines became available for their use. Around the year 1865, the iron plow displaced the wooden plow. Several years later there were even sharper plows. This not only made their work easier, but it also enabled them to work the fields more efficiently, plow in the manure, and attain better crop yields. Since they previously cut the grain with scythe and sickle, which took a lot of time and hard work, the reaper and sheaf binder soon found application. The former began to be used in 1905. The crops were no longer trodden laboriously with horses. By 1880 there were two steam-run threshing machines, owned by Johann Tabar (Ferenc-utca) and Nikolaus Frauenhoffer (House Number 197). The threshing was initially done on the common pastures because they feared fire since many houses had a reed roof. After the turn of the century, they were also allowed to thresh on their own farmland. Also at this time they used straw elevators. In 1900, the first self-propelled threshing machine was also put into operation. The owners were the locksmiths Kremm and Frauenhoffer.
    Before World War II there were 14 threshing machines that also threshed outwards. At first, the grinding of corn took place in horse-powered mills. The first one was built by the married couple, Franz Franz and Annamaria, née Burghardt. Even a windmill stood on the Serbisch-Zerne property. Its owner was Josef Krettler, and later Anton Krettler. Locksmith Johann Tabar built the first steam mill. It was shut down at the turn of the century because the owner moved away. Its site was at the southern end of Ferenc-utca (Ott Franz).

    Great significance was attached to corn cultivation. Right after settlement in the Banat it was seeded with a hoe since they did not have enough time to work it around and had no special tools to do this. Since they had iron plows then, the field was worked beforehand and the corn
was

26

place in furrows so that the plants always stood in rows. Soon the light plow was also used. This lightened their workload immensely and saved them much time. The corn was hacked 2-3 times and finally accumulated. During the year, the corn crops involved little work. When it was ripe, it was broken and placed for drying in the corn sheds (Hambar, Kotarko). It had to be gathered for use as animal feed. While this was done at first by hand, the chore was later accomplished with a manually operated corn-gatherer, and finally with a motor-run corn-gatherer. Oats, barley, rye, were planted only to a small degree, vegetables and potatoes only for home use. Clover, alfalfa, millet, and root vegetables served as cattle feed. Rapeseed was less often produced, also hemp but not very often, to the extent that the demand in one’s own house necessitated.
    Wine growing found its way into our village at a very early stage. Even during the settlement, the settlers were provided with wine garden parcels. They were planted with European grapes that they brought in themselves. Toward the end of the 19th century, the wine pest appeared, and bit by bit it demolished all the wine gardens. For this reason, they began to plant refined grapes with American support. Wine growing soon came to be produced to cover their individual needs.

    At the time of settlement, the settlers had been required to raise silkworms and, for that reason, to plant mulberry trees. It was thought that the settlers could improve their income with this source of revenue. It never developed into anything significant. The fruits were used for making Schnapps.

     To make their work easier to handle, in the course of time more and more practical implements and machines were brought into use, besides those previously mentioned. These were: sowers, wind-operated grain separators
, wheat-seed sorters, grass mowers, two- and three-share plows, harrows, steamrollers, hay stackers, grinders, root cutters, chaff cutters, grape crushers, grape mills, wine presses, etc.
    Stockbreeding was of no less significance from the farmer’s viewpoint. The half-caste horse belonging to the Nonius breed served as a draft animal. It was a tenacious horse with swift gait. Cattle breeding was also of great importance. Dairy cows served not only the need for milk and

27

milk products by the population but also the needs of the cities. In 1911, Deutsch-Zerne already had a milk cooperative that delivered 130 liters of milk to Temesvar daily. Fat stock and calves were also supplied to the cities. Another good source of income for our people was pig breeding. The most popular pig breed was the native Mangolica. They served not only as required fat and meat needs of the family but also brought substantial sales revenue. In the last period before World War I, English Berkshire and Yorkshire pigs became widespread in our community.

    Earlier there was much interest in sheep farming. The sheep — winter months excluded — were given over to shepherds for care. During the year they supplied milk and a certain amount of cheese and gave up their wool, and in late autumn the sheep and lambs returned home. For this reason, sheep were of great importance because our ancestors made various articles of clothing out of the wool during the winter months. Later, because there were no more pasture areas left, sheep farming was completely given up.

    Fowl covered their demand for eggs; their flesh found good use in the kitchen, their quills found use as bed feathers. The rest of the fowl brought welcome sales revenue.

    Small business also demonstrated a steady improvement. They were never lacking in the necessary new blood. After an apprentice completed his years of indenture, he took to wandering. His traveling years led him into neighboring cities, and often all the way to Budapest or Vienna. This gave him the opportunity to strengthen his vocation and expand his mental horizons. Many of them remained away permanently, established their own foreign business, became self-sufficient, and started a family. Those who returned to their homeland many years later, after fulfilling their military obligation, established their own business there. The tradesmen were united together in a guild. Industrious traders provided for the needs of the people with products to offer.

    The brick works were founded in 1880. The founders were the locksmith Nikolaus Frauenhoffer, the razor craftsman Kern, the merchants Anton Hönig and Josef Kiefer. They were located in Serbisch-Zerne and gave many inhabitants a livelihood.

28

    So much was done for them, even for their health. While at first they took drinking water from their house wells, later deep-seated wells were built for the community; these were followed by artesian wells. The number of artesian wells before World War I was 6. In case of sickness, there was a doctor at their disposal. The first doctor was Dr. Muraközy Dezsö. He also attended the sick in the leasehold farms of the manor and received from them payment in kind. The nurses of the convent gave valuable service in the care and nurturing of the sick. In our fond memory was Sister Sarolta of the Sisters of the Cross, who left our area in 1922. Also in the health service were the midwives: Katharina Spitz, Maria Engel, Emilie Koch.
    In the last century before World War I, the upgrade of transportation contributed in a special way to the welfare of the community. In 1887, they built the Hatzfeld-Betschkerek highway, and on October 19, 1898 the narrow gauge railway was brought into operation. In like manner, it connected Hatzfeld to Betschkerek and passed through our area.
    For the thrifty and credit-wise they established a credit cooperative in 1900; it was a member of the country’s credit cooperative in Budapest. Its first accountant was Franz Zahradnyik, a schoolteacher, later Josef Kreps; the cashier was Franz Kremer, a schoolteacher. After the crash, the cooperative ceased business. Earlier they had built a warehouse at the train station. It served the members and retail market as storage for crops. The private banking business of merchant Nikolaus Schleimer also should be mentioned.

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Table of Contents

World War I
    On June 28, 1914 in Sarajewo, the Austro-Hungarian heirs to the throne, Franz Ferdinand and his wife Sophie, née Countess Chotek, were murdered by Serbian terrorists, which provoked worldwide outrage. Lively diplomatic activity followed this incident. The unsatisfactory response to 
29

the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum from the Serbians resulted in the declaration of war by Austria-Hungary against the Serbians on July 28, 1914. The war lasted 4 years, from 1914 until 1918. With few exceptions, all countries of Europe and a considerable number of countries outside of Europe were involved. Naturally, this war had its own impact on the relations in our homeland and our sister communities. On July 26 followed the area mobilization, and all conscripts up to 40 years of age had to report. Due to the rapid enlistment of many nations in the war, nationwide mobilization was ordered at once, and a grueling battle flared up on all fronts. In the first year of the war, horses and vehicles were requisitioned. Soon a relief mobile for the wounded was set up in many communities, in 1916 also by ours. On April 30 of the same year, the clock was advanced by 1 hour to save electricity and lighting. In August 1916, the Romanians entered the war on the opposing side, and the people of Siebenburg [Kronstadt] fled in the face of invading Romanian troops. Siebenburg Saxons soon marched; however, they trekked home shortly after their homeland was purged of foes. The longer the war lasted, the more difficulties people had to bear. Church bells were melted down for the manufacture of war materials; the people were called upon to subscribe for war bonds. To prevent the steady rise of the cost of food, they created price ceilings and issued food ration cards. In most instances, food was confiscated so that they could feed the armies and the city people. Only 10-18 kilograms of wheat was allowed each person per month, and 50% corn meal had to be mixed into bread flour. Wheat could only be ground in the mill with a meal pass. Naturally they tried to get around these orders; for that reason, many bread grains were hidden and ground by moonlight. Since the men of 18 to 52 years were serving in the campaign, the old men, women and children at home had to perform superhuman feats. To relieve them, Russian prisoners of war were assigned to them as workers. Due to fear of the depreciation of money, gold and silver coins disappeared; even nickel and copper coins were hoarded, which led to a change shortage. Hardly anything could be bought at the ceiling price. The black market

30

price, which naturally was significantly higher, was driven by the buyers themselves out of fear that the goods would not be generally available. It finally happened that they devolved to barter. The result was that trains were crammed with villagers going to the cities and people with something to barter traveled in the opposite direction. The city inhabitants needed mostly food, while the country inhabitants were generally in need of textiles, basic commodities, especially petroleum. It came to the point that in many houses they were forced to use tallow lights for illumination.
    The great privation in the cities, which rose to a real famine, led to the city children being sent to the country for recuperation.

    Finally, after tremendous war fatigue and signs of decay emerged in the last years of war, the war was ended in November 1918 with the defeat of Austria-Hungary, Germany, Bulgaria, and Turkey. The Serbian army possessed the whole of the Banat. In 1919, the Austro-Hungarian crown was discounted by 20%. In the same year, the Serbian army evacuated the eastern Banat, which was occupied by Romania. The line of demarcation ran past the communities of Grabatz, Gertianosch, Grosskomlosch. Ostern and Hatzfeld remained Serbian.

    According to the Treaty of Trianon of June 4, 1920, Hungary had to surrender the Banat.

    That same year followed the currency exchange. Four crowns were exchanged for one dinar.

    In 1924, Ostern and Hatzfeld also fell to Romania, and the land boundaries passed 3 kilometers north of our sister community. While, as a result of World War I, we had no war devastation to lament, we did have the excruciating loss of 104 battle fatalities.

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The Period Up to World War II

    The end of World War I brought enormous changes in all respects. After the truce in November 1918, the first Serbian occupation troops appeared and took possession of our sister communities. Even before their entry, there were a few transgressions by the Serbian section of the population. They robbed and plundered the leasehold farms of Count Csekonics. But that lasted only a very short time, and soon peace and order reigned. In 1920, the Peace Treaty of Trianon awarded the western part of the Banat to the newly founded nation, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenians, to which both of our sister communities belonged. Tremendous changes were heralded and undertaken. First, the property of Count Csekonics was confiscated; it was later distributed to Serbian war volunteers and colonists and the poorer ranks of the local Serbian population. For Count Csekonics there remained only 500 joch in Julia-major, the stud farm, 82 joch with the attached house, and Konstancia-major with the Hunter’s Forest. The other leasehold farms were cleared away, sold as building materials, and used in other ways. In Leona-major, they founded a new settlement named Vojvoda-Stepo with 720 home sites. The settlers, war volunteers, came from Bosnia, Herzegowina, and Lika. Every family received an 8¾ joch field. The poor local Serbian population, who had no house and field, were settled at Julia-major. The settlement was called Vojvoda-Bojović. Those who settled here received 3 joch per married couple, 1/2 joch for every child under 12, and 1 joch for youths from 12 to 18 years. Both settlements belonged to the community of Deutsch-Zerne (Nemačka-Crnja). They experienced a swift recovery due to massive support of the state. The number of inhabitants soon formed the majority in the community. At the community election in 1934, the Serbians obtained the majority on the community council; Jovo Milić of Vojvoda-Stepo was elected town judge. On February 2, 1935, they moved the seat of the community to the colony of Vojvoda Stepo, 7 km. away – on the grounds of a community counsel decision made by the administration within.
    Now arose the grotesque situation that Germans were made to pay taxes while Serbians – who for the most part were free of taxes and assessments – administered the community. In 1936, after a long, difficult struggle our community was separated from the community of
Vojvoda Stepo by

32

decree of the king, and it again became independent. Implementation had to wait until March 1937. In this reorganization, the community received 3,000 joch of land according to the land register. Vojvoda Bojović, with the regions of Klein-Julia, Szöllös-major, and the German wine gardens, was attached to Serbisch-Zerne. The territory of Sziget-major and Klein-Sziget fell to the community of Klarija because Serbians from Klarija owned the fields.
    The fortune and development of the community was tumultuous after World War I, but the political change had a disastrous effect on the fate of Germans in our sister communities. The livelihood of many men was abolished or at least complicated. People who had earned their living at the manor estate now had nothing. The politics of the state was arranged thereafter solely to improve the position of the Serbian element, to make things easier for them, and so to strengthen them. For the national minorities, including Germans, their livelihood was taken away after the indifferent distribution of estate property in the name of agrarian reform. They deliberately made them beggars and, in many cases, drove them to emigration, which brought about great bitterness. In large numbers, they left the homeland where they were treated like step-children and sought the advantages of life in North and South America, the United States, Canada and Argentina. Of course, the estate farmer had the advantage that he could easily pay back his debts because of the depreciation of currency. It soon happened, though, that he came into great difficulty because of a worldwide economic crisis, the fall of crop prices, a property levy, and the war profit tax, which was collected with rigorous cruelty. They were forced to break new ground and to carve out a better means of existence for themselves. The ever-increasing shortage of labor forced them to acquire more and better tools and machines with which an intensive cultivation of the earth would be possible and, thereby, larger yields could be achieved. They applied these yields — since the prices were very low — in their own agricultural enterprise; in stock farming; fat stock, especially fat pigs, brought them good revenue. While before World War I they generally bred native Mangolica pigs, which was an
excellent fat pig, they now switched to the more highly sought

33

trade meat pig breeds, like Yorkshire and Berkshire, and later, to the refined German country pig. These suited their taste and the desire of the times for better marketing opportunities. Corporate organizations cared for the breed and exploited the agricultural and animal products. The cooperatives also provided for the thrifty and credit-wise. In our home location were the following cooperatives:

    Credit Cooperative. Founded 1900. Re-established 1923. At the re-opening of the agency, Anton Stiebel, Sr. especially exerted himself. He was also the first chairman of the administrative board. After his death, Gustav Schmidt took his place. Employees were Josef Kreps as bookkeeper, and Hans Tabar, the schoolteacher, as cashier. The depository trustee was Johann Stuprich, afterwards Josef Mayer.

    In 1928, the German cooperative “Agraria” was founded with the help of Bauernhilfe [Farmer's Help] and other sister cooperatives. Presiding over Agraria were Kaspar Schweininger, bookkeeper, and business leader of Bauernhilfe, Josef Wirth, Sr., and cashier Anton Kampf.

    Pig Breeding Cooperative. President Peter Stein, Secretary Peter Kampf.

    Egg and Poultry Cooperative. Purchasing agent Philipp Rausch.

    There were good times for industry and commerce at the end of World War I. Brisk building activity, colonization of the former property of Count Csekonics, immigration of numerous colonists all increased the need for various goods and furniture. The annexation of Hatzfeld to Romania in 1924 also benefited this development. In spite of the depression, an upward movement was noticeable to meet larger demands and to keep pace with the times.

    Besides biweekly markets, 4 yearly markets also took place.

    In 1928, the Trade Corporation was founded for the people of Deutsch- and Serbisch-Zerne, and, to claim secondary growth in trade and industry, a new school for apprentices emerged. Acting as teachers were: Pavle Zadera, Hans Tabar, Mirko Mitrović, and Michael Kremer. In 1941, it was shut down.

34

    The growth of industry made even further progress between the two World Wars. A new steam mill arose near the train station. The builders were Nikolaus Frauenhoffer and Josef Stiebel. Later it was owned by the brothers Franz and Josef Kremer, except that soon after it was destroyed by fire.
    In 1928, electrical lighting was introduced. The family of Nicka assumed ownership of the operation.

    In 1932, the Lenhardt Kunstmühle [grist mill] was built on Neuen-Gasse. Not only did they deal with mill duty but they also exported into the territory of Yugoslavia and abroad. The owners were Martin and Magdalena Lenhardt, née Hemmert.

    Health service progress was also noticeable. After the death of Dr. Muraközy, Dr. Karl Németh was his successor. After him, Dr. Markus Steiner and later Dr. Nikolaus Gerhard took up residence. The dentist was Dr. Darvas. At the end of World War II, the following doctors were active in our sister communities:

Dr. Branko Milić,
Dr. Hans Nicka,

Dr. Karl Németh, Jr.,

Mrs. Dr. M. Németh,

Pharmacist: Franz Pronievicz,

Midwife: Emilie Koch,

Veterinarian: Dr. Hans Szilágyi.

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Statistical Information

Population of Deutsch-Zerne


1900 1935 1944
Germans
Hungarians
Serbians
Romanians
Gypsies
2,226
662
281
---
157
3,326
1,318
18
68
5
292
1,701
1,277
28
89
4
317
1,715
Number of Germans in Serbisch-Zerne                                                                     652
35

Causes of Population Fluctuation

    a) The large decrease in German population is based on the break-up of the landed property of Count Csekonics. A large overseas emigration wave followed. The one-child inheritance system also contributed.

    b) Hungarians worked mostly for Count Csekonics. After the erosion of the economy, they emigrated.

    c) The number of gypsies rose due to a high birth rate and strong immigration. If there was a marriage to a gypsy, and one of the marriage partners originated in our community, the married couple would, in almost all cases, become residents here. In this manner, over time, their number reached as high as the population of a small village.

    What these lazy scoundrels then implemented in the worst hours of our homeland people by plundering, crimes, and brutality will be partially gleaned from this document.

    The ravaging of the churchyard, knocking over gravestones, breaking open crypts and the coffins within them, for the most part, goes back to these contemptible barbarians.

Property of Deutsch-Zerne in Joch on the Land Register in 1944:
Deutsch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Hungarian-Zerne
Toba
Vojvodina Stepo
Klarija
Hetin

2,428
1,512
3
77
625
266
17


Mastort
Heufeld
Itebe
Soltur
Alexandrovo
Topola
Tschestelek
Hatzfeld
518
11
601
3
4
89
3
1

    Altogether 6,158 land registered joch. That means that the property more or less doubled.

Number of Agricultural Undertakings in 1937:

a)
b)
c)
d)
Up to
Up to
Up to
Up to
5
10
20
50
joch
joch
joch
joch
107
48
70
69

e)
f)
g)

Up to
Up to
Over

100
200
200

joch
joch
joch

10
2
None

36

Number of Craftsmen in 1937:

a) German 73
b) Other Nationalities 1


Merchants, Tradesmen, Landlords, etc.:

a) German

19


b) Other Nationalities

2


Workers:

a) With real estate 122
b) Without Real Estate

54


Male and Female Farmhands:

a) German

31


b) Other Nationalities

57


Number of Mowing Machines:  57

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Table of Contents

The Church, the Cemetery

    When our ancestors left their homeland and came to the Banat as settlers, they were deeply religious. They not only performed their daily table prayers, but before the great celebrations, such as Advent and Lent, they fervently prayed the rosary with family or at meetings. Found in every house were votive candles, a crucifix, and holy pictures to decorate the walls of the rooms. The prayer books bound with leather with their yellowed pages showed that they were used frequently. Every Sunday and Holy Day they attended church with the exception of one family member, the one who cooked. Therefore, it was their most fervent desire to have their own church. In the beginning, our settlement belonged to the mother community of Hatzfeld. They attended church there and registration of the parish was done there. Later a chapel might have been built there in which services could be held, but Josef von Csekonics had already built our own parish church in 1808. Clay bricks served as building materials. The roof was covered with shingles. The lord of the manor provided the building materials and the artisans. The people provided the labor. The community received 4 joch for the churchyard on the western outskirts. On September 1, 1808, 

37

the parish received a priest, and on October 18 the church was blessed in honor of St. Josef by Bishop Ladislaus Köszeghy von Remete. Its benefactors were the lords of the manor at that time. They were Josef von Csekonics, Count Johann von Csekonics, and the last one, Count Andreas von Csekonics. The rights and responsibilities of the benefactor were specifically documented. The priest received yearly payment in kind from the benefactor, and the benefactor assumed upkeep of the church. The priest also received smaller payments from the community, and the community paid the organist and sacristan. After World War I, the newly founded church community undertook the responsibilities of the political community. The question of the pastor’s stipend and the upkeep of the church remained outstanding for years, for after World War I the ownership of the property of the manor lord was, of course, divided between Serbian war volunteers and colonists. Because of this, they were unable to satisfy their patronage obligations. After extensive negotiations, the agrarian authorities agreed to relinquish a 50 joch field in the vicinity of the brick kiln for the organist in compensation for the loss of income from the manor lord.
    In 1811, the stone cross and statues in front of the church were built at the expense of the people. In 1847, the church was robbed and considerable damage was done.

    The inside of the church was beautiful, particularly the magnificent main altar and Marian altar. Over the course of the years, the inside of the church became even more exquisite through new spending by the faithful; the statues built by the Lichtfuss family and Nikolaus Tines also contributed considerably.

    At infrequent intervals, missions, sponsored more recently by the Redemptorist fathers, took place for the strengthening and deepening of the faith. The mission cross at the church entrance commemorates the mission held in 1908. Missions also took place in the 20th and 30th anniversary years. On prayer days, they led processions to the field crosses. One stood in the vicinity of the brick kiln, south of the village, a second on the west side, and the third on the north side. The latter was made of marble and was built by the married couple, Franz and Pauline Kremer.

    Although a certain indifference to religion, awakened and nourished by outside influences, has become noticeable in the decades after World War I, there was still a large flock of believers who

38

followed the call of the bells for worship. How festive were the church services at Christmas and Easter, but also on other feast days with the church choir, later the glee club, and brass band participating.
    What an impressive picture the Resurrection and Corpus Christi processions presented! In front of the cross and organized by flag colors, the school children marched with their teachers, the singers; the priest followed them under a canopy with the Holy of Holies, the Marian maids, and the community and corporate leaders. The fireworks were always excellent. Finally, during Holy Week, an honor guard was formed and pretended to be guarding the tomb. Hundreds of believers participated in the processions, and it was impressive when the closing song in the church resounded:

Great God, we praise Thee,
Master, we glorify Thy strength:

Before Thee the earth bends

And marvels at Thy works.

As Thou were before all time,

So shalt Thou remain in Eternity.

    Yes, there are wistful memories when we think back on all of this! Our church remains for us the most beautiful because it was our church in which our ancestors, in their need, afflictions, pains, and worries, sought and found comfort and relief.
    On its altar we received blessings at the most significant events of our life. From the cradle to the grave, she stood open to us; she was the intermediary of grace.

    Among the names of our pastors, the following were ascertainable:

Dr. Johann Engels until 1883, later canon in Temesvar,
Michael Kaplar, 1884—1901,

Alois Geiger, 1901—1931, later Ecclesiastic Councilor,

Franz Brunet, 1932—1944.

    The last priest died during the disorders after the collapse.
    Our cemetery was on the west side of the village and enfolded a plain of 4 joch. It was enclosed by a brick wall; entry was through two iron gates. The main paths were paved; they provided order and tidiness for the tombs of the dead; their location was near the north entrance. Our God’s acre,

39

the site where our deceased found their final peace, always presented an impression of being cherished. In the middle of the churchyard stood a large cross, not far from the chapel built by the Hönig family.
    After World War II, heartless and soulless barbarians savagely disgraced this place of peace, broke up and destroyed the crypts, and knocked over the marble crosses. According to eyewitness accounts, today the cemetery is a desolate site, overgrown with weeds, the cemetery wall eroded.
    To us survivors there remains only the possibility of loving thoughts of our deceased and prayer for their salvation. Not only on them will we ponder but also on everyone who fell in the wars or found death far from their homeland as prisoners and displaced persons. Last but not least, our thoughts and prayers will be applied to everyone who lost their lives to the partisan mob and its thugs in such a gruesome manner and who were hastily buried in the oppressor’s area or in extermination camps or other unknown places.

Lord, give them eternal rest
And may the perpetual light shine upon them;

Lord, may they rest in peace!

——————◊——————

Table of Contents

The School

    Immediately after the settlement, a school was opened for the children. The school building was first constructed in 1808. Where the children were instructed up until this point of time is not ascertainable. They placed much value on the education of their children, but especially upon their religious education. Our school had a denominational character until 1921, when it — like all the others — was nationalized by order of the Education Administration and control of the school passed into the hand of the state. Before this point in time, the local parish priest was also the school director and the school was subject to his supervision. The children were taught by a schoolmaster. This person did not have any special professional education. The qualifications were

40

basic.  He must be able to read, write, and do arithmetic. In addition to his teaching duties, he had to provide the customary service of the sacristan and ring the bells. His pay was marginal. In the early days, they used the schoolmaster like an adopted non-commissioned officer or a better-educated tradesman. Consequently, educational achievements were very moderate, yes low. At the time of the settlement, school regulations from the year 1774 were in force. After this there were:

            1.  Normal schools,
            2.  Main schools,
            3.  Common (or trivial) schools.

    In the common schools in the country, the following had to be taught:

            a)  Religion,
            b)  Reading: written and printed,
            c)  Writing,
            d)  Arithmetic.

    The 6 to 8 year old children attended summer school. It began after Easter and lasted until Michaelmas [September 29th]. During harvest time, there were 4 weeks of recess. There was no school in winter because the paths were too bad for the smaller children. Besides, most of them could not attend school because of their poor clothing.
    The children from 9 through 12 years attended winter school from December 1 until Easter. In the summer months, they were available to assist their parents.

     For the older children there was refresher school.

    The school ordinances, school laws respectively, changed repeatedly in the course of time. The educational results increasingly improved, especially after the introduction of compulsory education and better training for the teacher. The first rudiments for the betterment of teacher education occurred in 1774 in Temeschburg where they instructed the teacher – now no longer a schoolmaster – in a modern manner. In 1844, this school was closed, but after the events of the Revolution in 1852, they established the Werschetzer Catholic College of Education from which many eminent personalities emerged for the
Banat German nationality. With gratitude, the older 

41

generation long remembered the works of Schoolmaster Friedrich Michels who gave our ancestors so much for their journey through life; and even this generation of schoolmasters has paid heed to his teachings.
    The language of instruction until the 90th year [1890] was German; from then until 1918, it was Hungarian; and after 1918, the German language gradually lost out to Serbian. In 1941, the German school system was placed under the “School Foundation of Germans in the Banat” and the German language of instruction was again adopted.

    As was already mentioned, the first school building was constructed in 1808. Later, due to the large number of children, a nearby house was acquired for the girls’ school. After this building became old and decrepit in 1911, Count Csekonics had it demolished and a totally new school building constructed. Due to a smaller number of students in 1928, this building was sold to Schoolmaster Hans Tabar.

    In 1918, it was ordered by the school administration that only a schoolmaster could be headmaster (school director), and so the parish priest, who until then also held the headmaster’s position, was replaced by a schoolmaster. When in the sister community of Serbisch-Zerne the number of Germans in the settlement of Ferenc-utca grew appreciably, there arose an aspiration to have their own school. This wish was soon fulfilled. Near the end of the previous century [Ed. note: the 19th century], instruction was begun in rented premises; later school was held in the house of Schoolmaster Kremer. However, the number of children increased substantially, and the number of teaching staff expanded, so the room became too small, requiring the construction of a school building. For this purpose, the community of Serbisch-Zerne placed the Serbian leasehold farm in Ferenc-utca at their disposal, a beautiful site on which a two-class school and two teachers’ residences were to be built. The German population of Serbisch-Zerne eagerly went to work, and with heavy sacrifice, the school building was erected. Special merits in this regard were awarded to Franz Kremer, Sr. In 1909, they began instruction. The school was an autonomous community school. A school commission was to provide for its support.

    In 1921, when all schools were nationalized, this school lost its autonomy and was annexed to the Serbian school system. Administratively, this had already occurred in 1919.

42

    The headmasters of the Deutsch-Zerne School were:

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
   Dr. Johann Engels, pastor
   Michael Kaplar, pastor
   Alois Geiger, pastor
   Koloman Zahradnyik, schoolmaster
   Ferdinand Roth, schoolmaster
   Hans Tabar, schoolmaster

from
"
"
"
"

1884
1901
1919
1921
1936
to
"
"
"
"
"
1883
1901
1919
1921
1936
1944

     Schoolmasters of the Deutsch-Zerne school were, as far as could be determined:


1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
   Friedrich Michels
   Franz Zahradnyik
   Jenö Hollós
   Koloman Zahradnyik
  
Hans Tabar
   Ferdinand Roth
  
Gisela Kutschera
   Jakob Reppa
  
Elisabeth Fulda
   Hans Habel
   Katharina Schuhmacher
   Maria Tanaskovitsch
  
Magdalena Kremer
  
Peter Rettinger (school helper)
   Michael Kremer (retiree)



from
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"



1909
1921
1921
1922
1929
1935
1939
1940
1938
1941
1941
1942

to
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"

1915
1909
1921
1944
1936
1929
1935
1944
1940
1941
1941
1942
1942
1944

    With gratitude should the works of the school sisters be recognized.  In 1888 the convent was built by the lord of the manor and occupied by the Sisters of the Cross.  The sisters undertook instruction in the girls’ school; they provided private instruction in handicrafts for the female youth who had left school, also music, especially piano instruction.  The nursing sisters carried on a beneficial service in the care and nurture of the sick.  The convent was under the direction of Oberin Gonzaga until 1922.  Then the religious order recalled the sisters.
    The most renowned sisters (instructors) were:

Sister
"
"
"
Elisabeth
Theodoisia
Aniceta
Laurentia  (crafts)
Sister
"
"
Xaveria
Candida
Olivia
43

    At the German school in Serbisch-Zerne, Michael Kremer worked as headmaster until 1919.

     The following worked as teachers:
                        Kern                                                                       Hans Tabar
                        Michael Kremer                                                      Michael Horvath
                        Franz Kremer

    In Deutsch-Zerne, there was also a kindergarten from 1888 to 1921. It was conducted by the sisters and closed by order of the Department of Education. In 1941, a kindergarten was again built by the school foundation and stood until 1944. There worked: Anna Kampf, Elisabeth Wirth, Anna Sedlak, Karolina Pfaff, Käthe Sedlak, and Margaret Krisch; as caretaker, Anna Schleimer.
    The German and Serbian elementary school provided successful upbringing and education for a whole decade; for this reason, many students attended higher schools and qualified for the following occupations:

    Until the end of World War I

 


  Name


  Occupation

  Father's
  Occupation


  Comments

1.

Dr. Johann Engels

Pastor

Farmer

Later canon
in Temeschburg

2.

Jakob Schweininger

Pastor

Farmer

 

3.

Lorenz Stiebel

Executive

Farmer

Post office director

4.

Johann Stiebel

Executive Farmer

5.

Samuel Nicka Notary Butcher

6.

Johann Nicka Teacher Butcher

7.

Dr. Emil Pronievicz Veterinarian Pharmacist Director of Serum
factory in Budapest

8.

Dénes Fabian Pastor Governance Later Dean

9.

Dr. Ernö Fabian Physician executive

10.

László Fabian Professor ditto

11.

Josef Kreps Teacher Carpenter Later, farmer and
bank bookkeeper

12.

Nikolaus Kreps Engineer (Dipl.) Carpenter

13.

Matthias Csernai Teacher Tailor School head, Hungary

14.

Michael Kremer Teacher Merchant Until 1919 director of
the German school
in Serbisch-Zerne

44


   Name


   Occupation

   Father's
   Occupation


   Comments

15.

Dr. Martin Wirth

Physician

Farmer

 

16.

Franz Kremer

Teacher

Farmer

 

17.

Hans Adam

Teacher

Blacksmith

 

18.

Franz Pronievicz

Pharmacist

Pharmacist

 

19.

Koloman Zahradnyik

Teacher

Teacher

Later, school director
in Deutsch-Zerne

20.

Josef Stiebel

Notary

Farmer

 

21.

Jenö Hollós

Teacher

Teacher

 

22.

Géza Michels

Notary

Teacher

 

23.

Gyula Michels

Teacher

Teacher

 

24.

Sándor Michels

Teacher

Teacher

 

25.

Anton Kern

Executive

Barber

 

26.

Josef Kern

Teacher

Barber

 

27.

Josef Kiefer

Teacher

Executive

 

28.

Josef Stiebel

Executive

Farmer

 

29.

Hans Tabar

Teacher

Farmer

Later, school director
in Deutsch-Zerne,
headmaster in Munich

                 After World War I:

30. Josef Friedl Engineer (Dipl.) Locksmith Julia-major
31. Otto Brichta Teacher Metalworker Later, mill owner
in Tschestelek
32. Béla Házkötö Technician Coach builder Julia-major
33. Spengler Peter Farm owner Farmer  
34. Josef Nicka Contractor Butcher  
35. Alexander Hatz Engineer (Dipl.) Merchant  
36. Dr. Michael Grün Physician Farmer  
37. Dr. Hans Nicka Physician Butcher  
38. Dr. Josef Kreps Physician Farm owner  
39. Dr. Rudolf Hatz Physician Merchant  
40. Dr. Karl Németh Physician Physician  
41. Michael Frauenhofer Dentist Farmer  
42. Josef Mayer Engineer (Dipl.) Farmer  
43. Magdalena Kremer Teacher Butcher  
44. Josef Schwarz Executive Farmer  
——————◊——————
45

Table of Contents


Family Life, Customs and Morals

    The first settlers of our country were, for the most part, families rich in children; 10-12 children were not unusual. While the father as head of the family did his work in the field with the grown children, he also directed and managed the household; the mother cared for the small children, kept order in the house and yard, and took care of the bodily welfare of the household residents. If the children were able to help, then appropriate responsibilities would be assigned to them and they would be made to assist.
    Our ancestors were very religious. Every Sunday and holy day everyone went to church except whoever was assigned to prepare the noon meal. After the meal on Sunday and holy days, the men gathered in the house, courtyard or at the inn for companionship; the women with their small children visited relatives, friends, or the neighborhood (Majen), while the grown children went dancing. The relationship between the parents and children and vice-versa was characterized by love. The word of the parents, especially the father, was highly respected, even after the children married. All these praiseworthy attributes changed over the course of time. In recent years, spiritual movements, circulated by written word and the press, influenced the thoughts and actions of man. Traditional attitudes, opinions, and values were abandoned as ridiculous and scorned. All of this did not occur without consequences. The earlier, deeply religious attitude and respect for elders — especially parents — suffered greatly, and was further aggravated by the spread of materialistic thoughts. In spite of this, our people, for the most part, remained true to the inbred virtues, customs, and morals of their ancestors and lived their lives accordingly.
    We will begin with the start of the church year:
    All public merriment was introduced by Kathrein: they said, “Kathrein plays the violin.”
    On the night before December 6, [St.] Nikolaus came. But we allowed this custom to get out of hand. That is to say, Krampus [traditional devil-like figure] appeared and at first scared the children, but afterwards gave them gifts.
46

    The most beautiful feast was Christmas. On the afternoon of Christmas Eve, a group of girls dressed in white trekked from house to house accompanied by the white (a youth dressed like a white rider on horseback) and the black (Krampus, with a sack full of [whipping] rods) and gave gifts to the children after they sang the Christ child song, which, unfortunately, was never recorded. After they left the house, they began searching under the Christmas tree for gifts. They had to see for themselves whether the long-anticipated wishes were fulfilled. At the evening meal, there was wine soup and afterwards poppy seed noodles and poppy seed or nut strudel. At midnight, the group went to early morning service. On the first or second day of Christmas, the children also received gifts from their godfathers and godmothers. To ward off sickness from the house, no laundry could be done between Christmas and New Year’s Day.
    New Year’s Eve
was spent in inns, clubs, or private houses. The earlier tradition of probing into the future with emptied coffee cups, card pitching or melting lead over a flame no longer took place in the later times. At midnight, they turned out the lights for an instant because the New Year was here.

    On New Year’s Day, making wishes for the New Year took place. Everyone wished himself health and long life. So that the wishes would be fulfilled, the grown children doused him. The children received gifts.

    On Three King’s Day [January 6th], crullers were baked in almost every home. A coin was baked into one cruller, which the mother placed in front of the smallest child so that he was king for the day. On Three King’s Day, three boys dressed as kings trekked from house to house and sang the Three King’s song. For this they received gifts.

    At Mardi Gras, various organizations presented dance events whereby married couples were offered the opportunity for dance and amusement. The grown youth had dance events every Sunday afternoon and evening at the inn with so-called free music. During Advent and Lent, and also at harvest time, these events did not take place.

    During Holy Week — from Maundy Thursday noon until Holy Saturday morning — even
the bells fell silent; the peal of the bells was replaced by the chanting of the altar boy. Then on Saturday morning they trekked from house to house and received eggs or spending money.

47

    On Easter Day, children eagerly decorated Easter nests. The Easter bunny laid his colored eggs, sweets, etc. in these nests.
    On May 1, children stuck elder tree branches on windows and doors.

    In the evening on May 1, there was Maypole dancing. This was the privilege of army recruits at the time. After the young men gathered together, they would decorate previously selected wooden bars, several meters high, with greenery and ribbons, and displayed them in front of the church, community house, school, rectory, the judge’s house, and the homes of other distinguished citizens. The Maypoles remained standing for several weeks, then they were unwrapped by the youths while music played; for this, the youths received a sum of money from those honored, which was used to finance the entertainment.

    The most beloved folk festival in all of the Banat was, of course, the

Kirchweihfest (die Kerwei).
[Church Consecration Feast]

    It was celebrated in our sister communities in November on the Sunday after Martinmas [November 11th]. The reason for a feast on this date is thought to be that there should be a feast of joy and thanks for the harvest of the year since it was brought in with such pain and effort. The bouquets and ribbons on the hats of the Kirchweih boys and the wine bottles were symbols of the rich harvest. On these days visitors streamed in from all directions. After the rigorous days of work, it was the most appropriate time for relatives and friends to meet each other again, share joy and sorrows, counsel each other, and dedicate time to cheerfulness, fun, and conversation. The Kirchweih lasted three days; on this occasion, youth played the starring role. For weeks beforehand, the boys would search for a girl (Kerweimensch) for the Kirchweih. The Kirchweih fellows (Kerweibuwe) gathered together in an association and elected two treasurers, a hall and music was sought, and the cost was agreed upon between the host and musicians. On the Friday before the Kerwei, every Kerwei boy brought his hat to his Kerwei girl to groom (decorate). On Saturday afternoon, the youths gathered with the musicians in the courtyard of the community house to fetch the Kirchweih tree. With the brass band, they marched to the church square and set up the tree in front of the rectory. Afterwards, they went to pick up the decorated Kirchweih bouquet

48

from the shopkeeper. It was rosemary, decorated with nosegays and silk ribbons, which they brought to the first treasurer’s Kerwei girl. Then on that same evening, the first dance took place, this time, however, without the decorated hat. On Sunday morning, every Kerwei fellow visited his girl and received his decorated hat. Wearing this hat and with the wine flask in hand, he then called on relatives and godparents and offered them tickets for the drawing of hat and cloth. Upon this opportunity, he received spending money for the Kirchweih days. From the inn, the Kirchweih party then marched to the church in front of the two treasurers. There they formed a receiving line for the priest. During Mass, the fellows stood in the main corridor of the church. The priest gave a sermon suitable for a festive occasion. After the Mass, he was again honored through the receiving line. Afterwards, honored guests were received: the pastor, schoolmaster, municipal administrators, judge, and notary.
    On Sunday afternoon, the Kirchweih associates left the inn with the musicians and girls to pick up the second treasurer, then his girl, then the first treasurer, and finally his girl. There the bouquet was picked up. Now marched the Kirchweih train with the first treasurer in front with his girl, who carried the bouquet, to the church square where an auction of the bouquet took place. During Kirchweih days, they stopped at every street corner and the musicians played a so-called corner song. A large group of people waited around the Kirchweih tree. At first, the second treasurer climbed on a barrel previously placed there and officiated at the drawing for hat and cloth. With jesting words, the attendees were encouraged to offer higher amounts for the soon-to-be auctioned lottery tickets. The drawing of the winning ticket was done by a child. During a short recess, the musicians played.

    Following this drawing was the auction of the bouquet. These were exciting moments for the fellows and girls, but also for their parents, even if their daughters or sons were not the owners of the bouquet. The drawing happened in the following manner. The first treasurer climbed on the barrel and gave his Kirchweih speech — while the musicians played a march. For many years this speech was arranged by the Schoolmaster, Michael Kremer — who died tragically. The speech consisted of humorous allusions and hilarious occurrences of the day, to put the audience in good  

49

humor. After each stanza, the musicians played a corner piece. Note here that Kirchweih members had to pay the full declared price plus one-tenth of the difference between the declared price and the cut-off price, whereas a successful bidder from outside of the group had to pay the full cut-off price. It turned out that there was never a bidder from outside of the association, for that would truly have been an expensive amusement.
    At the end of the auction, the successful bidder presented the bouquet to his girl. Now the lead pair of dancers performed three short dances around the Kirchweih tree, and after this the other fellows led their girls to dance. Then the whole group marched from the church square — in front of them was the pair of lead dancers with the bouquet — to the notable dignitaries and nearest relatives, to honor them with a rosemary sprig tied with silk ribbons, whereupon they were presented with money. The evening meal on Sunday was taken at the home of the female lead dancer, on Monday in the house of the male lead dancer. After the meal, they marched with the musicians to the dance hall. The first dance (three pieces) now belonged to the pair of lead dancers; also on the succeeding Kirchweih days these members of the group were picked up from their homes and led to the dance hall.
    On Wednesday morning the fellows removed the Kirchweih tree and buried a sealed flask of wine at the spot where the tree had stood, where it remained buried until the next Kirchweih. They took the Kirchweih tree on their shoulders and, to the sounds of a funeral march, brought it to its place in the community courtyard. So ended the Kirchweih feast.

The Marriage

    After military service, it was time to think of marriage. If a fellow was not promised to a girl before that, then he looked around at the available girls. If his choice was agreed upon, then the parents got together. The parents on both sides met in the house of the chosen one and negotiated the dowry. If they agreed, then the promise (betrothal) of the young was made. This happened in close circles; only the parents on both sides and their counsel (marriage witnesses) assisted. The

50

betrothal took place in the house of the bride’s parents, and on this occasion the agreed-upon dowry was put into writing in the presence of witnesses. The transfer of the dowry usually followed the marriage ceremony.
    Usually the marriage took place three weeks after the betrothal. It was celebrated with more or less pageantry according to the means of the parents. If the number of guests was small, then the marriage would be celebrated in the house of the bride’s parents; if the number was large, then it took place at an inn. The marriage at the registry was usually done in the morning just in the presence of the witnesses, but the church marriage took place in the afternoon. It was a large wedding, 200 or more persons participating, when the marriage train marched to the church with music. The children went in front, then the bridesmaids with their partners, the bridal pair, after them followed the marriage witnesses, the married women, and finally the parents of the bride and groom. The pastor performed the marriage, gave a speech, and gave the blessings. Usually while still in the church, the elated participants wished the young couple well, the train was formed again, and they marched to the house or inn for the wedding meal. At the meal, the bridal pair sat at the head of the hall, next to them, the witnesses. During the meal, speeches were given in which best wishes were expressed for the bridal pair; children also recited poems on this opportune occasion.
    At the bridal dance, the bridegroom first led the bride in dance; then all of the guests asked the bride for a dance. At midnight, the veil and crown of the bride were removed and then the bridal pair symbolically stepped into the circle of those who were married. An earlier custom, to steal the bride’s shoe or to kidnap the bride herself, no longer happened in recent times. Either before or after the wedding, guests presented the bridal pair with a wedding present.

    The wedding — offering the finest food and beverages — lasted well into the early morning, frequently until the afternoon hours of the next day.


A Few Marriage Conventions from Old Times

By Matthias Kampf of Hatzfeld

    Josef and Maria Barbara Kampf, née Henika, were among the early settlers. Their house and grounds were determined to be worth 380 florins. They disbursed 150 florin. They had to pay 22 florin yearly for taxes, deliver 20 Pressburger Metzen [62.5 liters or 7 pecks] of grain (47 kg =

51

1 Metz), 12 Metz of wheat, 5 Metz barley, 3 Metz of oats, make two long trips on the River Theiss, work 2 joch for free, and still pay for and render 80 days of manual labor to the manor lord.

    On Tuesday, May 2, 1792, Josef Kampf and Maria Barbara Henika, as well as Josef Stiebel of Eichstatt and Anna Kampf, were married. Josef Kampf received from his parents, Johann Peter Kampf and Anna Katharina née Hartenacker, 100 florin in cash, two horses together with cart, a fully equipped wagon, a plow, harrow, and windmill. His bride received from her mother, Maria Elisabetha Henika née Lindenbaum, 80 florin in cash, a cow, a trunk, a table, bench, chest of drawers, iron skillet, iron pot, and a bed. When she went as a settler to Deutsch-Zerne, she had 10 children.

    Anna Kampf received from her parents, Johann Peter Kampf and Anna Katharina Hartenacker, 80 florin in cash, a cow, a trunk, a table, bench, iron skillet, and completely assembled bed. Josef Stiebel had 180 florin when they went as settlers to Deutsch-Zerne. Josef Stiebel died on September 10, 1799 and was 33 years old. His wife, Anna Maria Stiebel, née Kampf, married Peter Tines from Charlevill on January 7, 1800.

    Josef and Anna Stiebel, née Kampf, had two boys and a girl; the girl Magdalena was married to Daniel Koch in Zerne.

The Christening

    This joyful feast was celebrated by the family on one of the Sundays following the birth of a child. On the way to the christening, the godfather and godmother preceded; the midwife with the child followed. After the christening was over, they went home; on the way sugar was given to the gathering children, often joyful shots resounded, fired by relatives or good friends. At the christening feast (child’s party) that followed, the relatives, midwife, godfather and godmother participated. During the first six days after birth, the woman in childbed received a meal brought to

52

the home alternately from the household of the godfather or of the godmother. It was also customary for the godfather and godmother to give gifts to the godchild at Christmas and Easter.

The Burial

    When a family member passed away, the dead person was laid out in the parlor. From the time of lying in state until the burial, relatives and acquaintances came to the wake to say their prayers at the bier of the deceased, whereby they expressed their condolences and consoled them. The burial was done within 24 hours after death. After the ceremony in the church cemetery took place, the funeral cortege was set in motion. In front was carried the tomb cross, followed by the cross, flags, altar boys, the cantor, the pastor, in many cases the choir, musicians, then the men and finally, the women. The funeral cortege proceeded on the sidewalk, while the hearse traveled in the street. Behind it went the grief-stricken family. In many cases before the burial, a vesper of the dead for the salvation of the deceased was held in the church; then they continued to the graveyard. When they arrived there, the pallbearers lifted the coffin out of the hearse and carried it to the excavated grave or to the family vault, where the dead were interred after the church ceremony. Usually, six weeks after the burial, a requiem mass was read for the salvation of the deceased.
    Great reverence was shown to the family of a decedent. This resulted in a routine whereby they paid a visit to the grave at every opportunity to offer a prayer. Their graves were marked with marble gravestones, and the grave mount was planted with flowers. On All Saint’s Day, the graves were especially decorated beautifully. The graveyard looked like a flower garden.

Schwaben Pranks, Jokes, Droll and Bawdy Events

    The people of our country were serious individuals, but they were not lacking in humor, and they were always ready to make fun of the weaknesses and mistakes of their fellow men — as well as their own — occasionally in an earthy manner, but not with offensive intentions.

53

Here are a few examples:
Told to Hans Tabar (Mayersch) and Others:

    You all know that Cousin Matz had a vineyard, and you also know that he had wine. But I know that he always liked the wine at the inn better.
    In the spring, Cousin Nani put a young kitten — as we used to do back home — into a sieve — and covered it with an old sweater. Since she had to go to work in the vineyard and did not want Cousin Matz to find her money, she stuffed it into the sleeve of the sweater.
    Cousin Matz was sitting in the Gang, smoking a cigarette, when the kitten suddenly started crying. Cousin Matz went into the stable where the cats were to see what happened.
    The cat was in the arm of the sweater and could not get out. As he was getting the cat out, he found the money.
    Quickly he went to the inn to drink a few glasses.
    In the evening, cousin Nani came home, looked for the cat and also for the money. The money was gone. She went into the house and said, “Matz, did you take the money out of the sleeve of that sweater?"
    Cousin Matz said, “What money? I did not find any money!"
    Cousin Nani said, “But I put it into the sleeve of the sweater!"
    Cousin Matz said, “ The cat must have eaten it.”

——————◊——————

    Before the first World War, the Socialists marched through the village on May 1 with a red flag and music. The headquarters of their society was in the Neue-Gasse. The society representative was Comrade Matz. When it was time to march, the chairman, Cousin Mischko, said: “Matz, go out there and count how many are here!” It was known that Cousin Matz could not count very well. He went out, remained there a while, came in and notified the chairman: “You are all here.”

——————◊——————

    Mischko was a poor man and had a bunch of children. One of his children became sick and died. He went to the pastor and requested a funeral. The pastor asked: ”Should I come to the burial with the new or the old coat?” Of course, with the new coat a burial costs more.

54

    Mischko said, “If the new coat pleases you more, you can put it on. I will only pay for the old one.”
    How they came to an agreement, we never knew.

——————◊——————

    Brother Joschko loved to go to the inn. The Schnapps and wine always tasted good to him. One fall evening, he was again at the innkeeper's and carousing happily. Several men from the fire department also showed up at the innkeeper's to drink a Spitzer.* After they drank their wine, they wanted to go home. When they came out of the common room into the vestibule — there were two doors, one that went into the dance hall and the other led outdoors — Brother Joschko came out of the dance hall and says, "It's cloudy and dark like being in a sack, I cannot see the moon or stars."
    He had mistaken the door.

    Surely the innkeeper scolded him like a fishwife.

[*Spritzer: wine with seltzer.]

——————◊——————

    Brother Mischko and Brother Jakob were good friends. They both really enjoyed drinking Schnapps as well. Brother Mischko was a blacksmith. In the fall, the farmers delivered the bounty, and since many also had a vineyard, they also brought along a bottle of Schnapps. Sister Amei, Brother Mischko's wife, had set the bottle in the pantry. There was already a whole row of liter bottles of Schnapps. Brother Jakob came to visit nearly every day. Brother Mischko would then let the anvil idle while they drank Schnapps. Sister Amei did not care for this, but she never said anything in the beginning. It eventually became too annoying, and she scolded the "Schnapps Brothers." When this had no effect, she hid a liter of Schnapps in the attic granary.
    Brother Mischko also kept track of the bottles and could not find the missing one anywhere. He finally found it. When Sister Amei went out, he checked the attic, and sure enough, there it was in the grain. Out with it! And since Brother Jakob also came again to visit, it was quickly emptied. Brother Mischko filled the bottle with water and put it back in its place in the attic. The Schnapps was all gone when New Year's Day was approaching, so Brother Mischko asked Sister Amei,

55

"Did you also bring Schnapps home so that we can offer something to the well-wishers?" "Yes, I have already planned ahead, since you boozers had drunk it all away."
    On New Year's morning, Brother Jakob came to offer his best wishes. Sister Amei goes in the attic, brings the bottle and offers it up. They both drink, look at each other, then Brother Mischko says, "Amei, I think you made a mistake, this is Holy Water." "I think you are drunk or crazy," says Sister Amei.

    "No need to get upset. The bottle was not corked well and the spirits have evaporated," said Brother Jakob.

    Sister Amei did not believe the pair, but what was she to do? She had to go buy another bottle of Schnapps.

——————◊——————

Table of Contents

Associations, Miscellaneous

    Various organizations and corporations provided for the support of social and cultural life, professional interests, diversion, art, and security of the people. For the most part, they had very high memberships.

    1. The Kasino [clubroom] was an association for the upper class. It was created in the 70s [1870s], possessed a substantial library and also served Magyarization (Magyar speech club). The club had a stage where comedies, one-act plays, and theater events were performed in Hungarian and German. Festive events took place in its rooms. The opportunity was provided for many games, like chess, billiards, and cards, too. Magazines and daily newspapers were also available. After World War I, the organization merged with the Landwirtschaftliche Verein [Agricultural Association].

    2. The Agricultural Association was founded in 1876 and had an exemplary tree nursery that was managed by a gardener. Refined fruit trees, roses and other gardening items, flowers, plants, wreaths, etc. could be obtained at any time. They not only covered the needs of our sister communities, but also had customers from other communities. For a long time, the nursery was managed by Czanik the gardener, later by his sons Alexander and Josef Czanik. In 1928 it was

56

sold, and with the profits a beautiful clubhouse was built next to the community house. In its rooms were daily newspapers from home and abroad, even illustrated journals. In the great room, various events took place and recitals were held. It offered the opportunity to play chess, billiards and cards, and a large lending library was at the members’ disposal. The last association president was Josef Kampf; his predecessors were Dr. Karl Németh and Franz Kremer, Sr.

    3. In the prior century, there had been a Schützenverein [Marksman’s Club]. The commanding officer was Nikolaus Weber, the butcher. In remembrance of this club, the marksman flag still exists and is located at the church.

    4. Der Feuerwehrverein [The Fire Brigade Organization] was brought into existence on March 16, 1884 at the suggestion of the estate manager Fabian, who also became president of the organization. The first equipment of the organization was obtained with the support of the lords of the manor. True to the slogan, “For the honor of God, for the protection of your neighbor,” it was the duty of the organization to protect the belongings of the inhabitants in adversity and danger. The organization fulfilled this duty within the limits of possibility in an exemplary manner up until World War I. Then their occupation was temporarily suspended since most of them had to march. Those draftees no longer carefully fulfilled their duties and the maintenance of their equipment and property. The task of the organization extended over all the territory of the sister community, and it was called the “German and Serbian Fire Brigade.” During the war, maintenance of the property of the organization was entrusted to the former commanding officer of the fire department, Franz Kremer, Sr. According to the by-laws, this property devolved to the first Fire Brigade, which was the property of one of the two communities. This happened in Deutsch-Zerne in 1923. (Since a fire brigade was also started in Serbisch-Zerne, this part of the property organizational maintenance was ceded to it.) At the startup, they acquired specific gains: Josef Themare, pharmacist, Franz Pronievicz, and Johann Bodwen. Its first officers were President Josef Themare, Commandant Johann Bodwen, and Secretary Franz Pronievicz. After Josef Themare retired, they elected Franz Pronievicz to the presidency; Professor Hans Tabar became secretary. In 1928, the organization's

57

flag was blessed by the apostolic administrator of the Banat, Prelate Kovács, who performed the act with considerable clerical support. It was a unique celebration in which, besides the community population and hundreds of guests, numerous fire departments from abroad and numerous delegations participated. The mother of the flag was the schoolteacher, Anna Tabar née Kremer.
    The organization also had a music band (Kapelle Konrad) and a song group. In 1930, at the request of the Banat Fire Brigade Association in our community, the county Fire Brigade Association was founded. Our town commanding officer, Johann Bodwen, was elected the county inspector. The last officers of the organization were: President, Franz Brunet, pastor; Commanding Officer, Johann Bodwen; Deputy, Nikolaus Kovács; Secretary, Hans Schleimer; Adjutant, Nikolaus Neumayer; Training Captains, Josef Schmidt and Nikolaus Tabar; Flag Bearer, Nikolaus Gross; Fire Engine Maintenance, Johann Sterz; and Equipment Maintenance, Friedrich Retzler.

    5. In the prior century, the song-loving people had formed a glee club that also served as the church choir under the direction of the current organists (cantors). The club existed until 1909. In 1921, the Men’s Singing Group was born. Its first member was Josef Themare. In the beginning, the group was independent, but later they joined with the Fire Department song group. The group soon flourished, hosted song evenings and Sunday presentations, and participated in songfests with various groups. It always presented remarkable events. The chairmen of the group were Josef Themare, Philipp Rausch, and finally, Anton Bodwen. The choir directors were Schoolmaster Michael Horvath, Jakob Reppa, and Michael Kremer.
    The presentation of these dilettantes enjoyed great popularity. The performance of one-act plays, stories, comedies, and melodramas always found a grateful and zesty audience. Especially noteworthy in this regard are the efforts of Schoolmaster Michael Kremer who even translated comical pieces about the rural world, written by him, into the dialect of the homeland and thereby provoked thundering applause.

    6. The Kulturbund [Culture League] or its full name, “Schwabisch-German Culture League,” was founded in the lowlands, and by-and-by its organization expanded. In our area, it was established in 1920. Its goal was considered to be the fostering of cultural interests of the Germans.

58

It was also the designated legal representative of academic autonomy, whereby the state transferred sovereign right over the German schools to it. It was intended that the Serbians also possess school autonomy in the monarchy. These rights were even guaranteed to the leading men of our people by the peace treaty. Afterwards, they would hear nothing of it and deliberately hindered the expansion of our school system. The sanctions of the regime at that time narrowed our prospects for making our school system successful. By order of the administration dated July 20, 1920 (through 1921), all schools were socialized; ownership of school property by a community and church was made illegal, expropriated without compensation, and transferred to the hand of the state. Now the state could unscrupulously enforce its criminal intent, of which the chauvinist minister, Pribićević, availed himself. The primary freedoms we had been taught in school were taken away bit by bit, the operation of the Culture League was discontinued, and its property was confiscated. Later, when the Culture League was again permitted to operate as a result of the combative efforts of German representatives, it could no longer fully perform the tasks allowed in our area. There was no other alternative than this in any other organization, respectively, to relocate groups. The Serbians simply would not tolerate Germans continuing to be taught in their own language. They spied on every cultural event, harassed the leading men, made it difficult to get permits, and caused disruptions. Not until the end of 1930 could the Culture League display a healthy activity. Shortly thereafter, it was completely absorbed into a country group.
    The last chairman of the Culture League was Michael Schulz; the country director was Johann Hepp.

   7. Music was also supported in the Hausmusik [Music-Making at Home]. Instruments like the harmonica, accordion, and piano were used. In small groups, the fiddle was also played. In the previous century, there had been a Musikkapelle [music band] under the direction of Bandmaster Müller. They played at dances and various festivals and family celebrations. This band had dissolved and, at the beginning of this century [20th], Bandmaster Johann Konrad started a new band. Soon he succeeded in creating a powerful music group of young fellows. They also played at

59

dances and at special celebrations. After World War I, they reached the high point in their success. They performed many concerts and were sought after as a dance band. The band was even invited to play on a radio broadcast. Unfortunately, the program could not be aired due to adverse circumstances. Due to disputes, a part of the group separated and formed a new band under the name Männerkapelle [Men’s Band].
    The Leichenverein [Death Benefit Group] had the task of providing proper burials to the deceased and payment of a specific amount to the family survivors. The amount necessary for this was supplied by contributions from its members.

     The president of the group was Johann Stein, Number 86.

    Miscellaneous: 1. In 1898, the Hatzfeld-Betschkerek Schmalspurbahn [narrow-gage railway] was built. After the removal of Hatzfeld [from consideration], Deutsch-Zerne became the terminus. But then in 1920, they extended the line to Klarija, which then became the terminus. This railway kept gaining more importance due to its fast transport of people and goods. To no small extent did the depot of the Credit Cooperative at the railway station contribute to this. The best-known stationmasters were Kardos, Matthias Szigeti, and Josef Fuderer.

    2. In the previous century, there was a Poststelle [post office] in our sister communities. Mail was delivered to us through neighboring Hatzfeld. Later we received our own post office, from which mail to neighboring Hetin was deployed. The managers of the post office were: Irene von Majlath, Emilie Konstantinović, Hermine Harlamov, née Jung, and Nevenka Vinković, née Rajkov. Long-standing employees were: Eva Paul, Antonia Kiefer, Berta Hirhager, and Anna Kampf. Postmen in the final years were: Anton Sehr, Sr., Peter Kampf, and Ludwig Bach.

    3. The Gendarmerie [constabulary or rural police] managed public order and safety and the protection of property. A police station had previously been built in our sister community.

    4. A station of Finanzkontrolle [Finance Control] stood earlier in Hatzfeld. As our community became a frontier town, a station was also built here. It provided a sentry at the border for traffic both ways and battled against tobacco and border smuggling.


Houses and Dwellings of Deutsch-Zerne
Jakob Nickels


House
No.



Name


Family
Nickname



Occupation
No. of Family Members Residing

1

2
3

4
5
332

6

7
8
9
10

11
333
12
13
14

15

334

16

17

18
335
19

20
21
Johann Goldschek
Johann Becker
Heinrich Bauhof
Johann Weissmann
Josef Engels
Josef Weissmann
Matthias Lakatosch
Johann Kampf (emigrated)
Lenhardt Serwo
Anton Spengler
Widow Anna Spengler
Widow Anna Matje, Son Paul
Peter Rausch
Julius Hergatt
Michael Weron
Widow Kristine Weron
Michael Spiess
Anton Koch
Michael Quint
Johann Weissmann
Widow Katharina Schuld
Widow Susanna Schuld
Anton Bockmüller
Widow Anna Lesch
Johann Kampf
Widow Magdalena Schummer
Matthias Bodwen, Jr.
Matthias Bodwen, Sr.
Konrad Becker
Johann Becker
Matthias Tabar
Johann Kampf
Peter Stuprich
Franz Stuprich
Johann Kramer
Peter Kampf
Widow  Maria Kampf



Bockmüllersch
Stolze
Schnudliche
Zigeuner
Bascht

Phitjes
Phitjes








Flitje
Hanever
Hanever
Trinais

Kläre





Soda Matz
Kunradts
Klärestuprich
Klärestuprich

Kunradts
Kunradts
Club servant
Carpenter
Bricklayer
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner

Laborer
Laborer
Laborer
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Laborer
Laborer
Laborer
Housekeeper
Laborer
Laborer
Laborer
Shoemaker
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Laborer
Housekeeper
Laborer
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Soda-water producer
Merchant
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Housekeeper
3
4
5
3
2
3
7

3
7
1
2
2
4
4
1
4
2
2
2
3
1
4
1
2
1
4
2
4
2
5
4
3
2
4
4
1
 
61



House
No.



Name


Family
Nickname



Occupation
No. of Family Members Residing

22
23
24
24

25

26
Nikolaus Gross
Josef Hoffman, Jr.
Josef Hoffman, Sr.
Matthias Weissmann
Johann Weissmann
Widow Katharina Engels
Johann Engels
Anton Schulz (emigrated)
Matthias Schmidt
Stefan Baka

Herrgottsepp
Herrgottsepp
Andrese-Brasch
Andrese-Brasch
Phits
Phits

Zwiebel
Ungar
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Bricklayer
Laborer
Laborer
Laborer
3
5
2
3
2
1
2

2
3
Churchyard  Michael Kampf Kampfschneider City worker 4
27
28
29
30


31

32

33
34
35
36
37
38
345
389


377

388


39

40

Johann Seiler
Anton Till
Peter Hoffman
Peter Franz
Widow Theresia Franz
Johann Weber
Adolf Wilms
Widow Maria Wilms
Johann Schäfer, Jr.
Johann Schäfer, Sr.
Matthias Neidenbach
Johann Kampf
Matthias Kampf
Josef Schummer
Kristof Grün
Jakob Stankovitsch
Michael Anton
Machael Wolf
Widow Elisabeth Wolf
Stefan Koch
Johann Engels, Jr.
Johann Engels, Sr.
Anton Kremm, Jr.
Michael Kremm
Ilia Pelic
Matthias Henika, Jr.
Matthias Henika, Sr.
Philip Wersching
Widow Rosalia Willing


Straky
Musler
Musler

Jetze
Jetze


Heinrichs
Schorsche
Schorsche



Schulwahner
Lup
Lup

Mohler Hans
Mohler Hans







Shoemaker
Locksmith
Farm owner
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Barber
Barber
Electrician
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Laborer
Housekeeper
Laborer
Painter
Painter
Farm owner
Farm owner
Finance
Farm owner
Farm owner
Electrician
Housekeeper
2
2
4
4
1
1
3
1
3
2
3
6
2
2
3
4
5
3
1
2
3
1
1
1
3
4
2
4
1
62


House
No.



Name


Family
Nickname



Occupation
No. of Family Members Residing

41
42


43
44

45

46

352
385
378

369
383
47
48

49

50

51

52

53
54
55

56
57

58
59

60

Peter Rausch
Jakob Sedlak
Johann Sedlak
Michael Sedlak
Peter Schulz
Matthias Rausch
Michael Theis
Nikolaus Linster, Jr.
Nikolaus Linster, Sr.
Nikolaus Stiebel
Johann Stiebel
Josef Czanik
Peter Wirth
Josef Kampf
Josef Weissmann
Josef Bodwen
Johann Hoffmann
Friedrich Retzler
Michael Wilms, Jr.
Michael Wilms, Sr.
Johann Stein
Peter Stein
Philip Rausch
Widow Elisabeth Schneider
Nikolaus Tabar (emigrated)
Resident financier
Matthias Brenner, Jr.
Matthias Brenner, Sr.
Anton Schulz
Michael Schulz
Nikolaus Serwo
Johann Weissmann
Martin Krach
Anton Neumayer
Peter Neumayer
Jakob Engels
Nikolaus Stuprich
Widow Magdalena Stuprich
Anton Fessel
Ludwig Fessel
Rebels



Dickhanese
Rebels
Saro


Brunnersch
Brunnersch


Klematze


Hergotts

Jetze
Jetze








Dickhannese
Dickhannese

Schlichter

Fohs
Fohs
Phits
Kaschau
Kaschau
Wagner

Leatherworker
Carpenter
Carpenter
Barrel-maker
Farm owner
Farm owner
Railroad worker
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Gardner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Carpenter
Merchant
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Tailor
Housekeeper
Laborer
Finance
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Coach builder
Carpenter
4
4
3
1
4
3
2
3
2
5
2
3
3
2
1
3
3
5
2
2
3
2
3
1

3
4
2
4
3
3
1
4
3
2
4
2
1
2
4
63


House
No.



Name


Family
Nickname



Occupation
No. of Family Members Residing

61
342
62

63
64
65
66

67
68
69
70
343
71

72
73

74
346
75
76


77

78
79
80

327

81
82

83


84
Peter Wilms
Johann Spiess
Matthias Juraschitz
Widow Anna Juraschitz
Josef König
Widow Anna Michels
Johann Stuprich
Konrad Weber
Michael Tabar
Georg Murányi
Nandor Friedel
Josef Weiss
Stefan Szanto
Stefan Szanto
Josef Steigerwald, Jr.
Josef Steigerwald, Sr.
Gertraud Westhoff, Widow
Jakob Nickels
Widow Elisabeth Nickels
Nikolaus Naumayer
Franz Schleimer
Jani Jambor
Nik. Rothenbach (emigrated)
Andreas Koch
Matthias Stuprich
Nikolaus Spiess
Widow Magdalena Mayer
Anton Stiebel
Josef Kreps
Josef Kreps
Widow Margaretha Kreps
Josef Mayer
Widow Sophie Mayer
Anton Tabar
Nikolaus Tabar (emigrated)
Widow Katharina Rothenbach
Nikolaus Tines
Widow Anna Tines
Widow Theresia Becker
Widow Elisabeth Tines
Bockmüllerisch

Buljum
Buljum
Schadater
Traudels
Endstuprich

Mayers
Ungar


Ungar
Ungar
Heilige
Heilige

Kleinrichter

Fohs

Ungar









Sufin
Sufin
Mayers


Nickels

Balauer
Nickels
Farm owner
Laborer
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Blacksmith
Laborer
Tinsmith
Laborer
Farm owner
Merchant
Merchant
Carpenter
Carpenter
Housekeeper
City worker
Housekeeper
Bricklayer
Laborer
Laborer
Laborer
Laborer
Laborer
Laborer
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Farm owner
Savings Bank Officer
Housekeeper
Bricklayer
Housekeeper
Timber trade
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Housekeeper
Housekeeper
2
4
5
1
3
1
5
5
2
3
2
2
4
1
4
2
2
2
2
4
2
2

6
5
5
1
4
3
2
1
3
2
5

2
3
1
1
1
64



House
No.



Name


Family
Nickname



Occupation
No. of Family Members Residing

85

86

87

88

89
348
90

91
92

93

94
95
95
96

97

98

99
100
101


102

103






Peter Schweininger, Jr.
Peter Schweininger, Sr.
Peter Stein
Johann Stein
Nikolaus Tabar
Anton Rothenbach
Josef Rothenbach
Johann Rothenbach
Widow Elisabeth Rothenbach
Nikolaus Tabar
Widow Berta Gerhardt
Franz Krämer
Widow Kristrina Krämer
Michael Mayer
Matthias Kampf
Peter Kampf
     Johann Tabar
Widow Anna Tabar
Anton Laux
Agricultural Union
Josef Stiebel
Nikolaus Hergatt
Anton Pfaff
Johann Kampf
Widow Anna Kampf
Anton Kampf, Jr.
Anton Kampf, Sr.
Johann Wagner
Michael Henika
Peter Retzler Arg.
Peter Retzler, Jr.
Anton Retzler
Josef Bell
Michael Bell
Matthias Lischeron
Nikolaus Lischeron
Michael Krämer
Franz Pronievicz
Johann Sterz
Widow Anna Schön




Timlos




Timlos

Fritzschulde
Fritzschulde
Stiebel
Mause
Mause
Langemichels
Langemichels
Gemeindehaus




Klematze

Kläre
Kläre


Wolfhans
Wolfhans
Wolfhans




Serb.-Zerne
Serb.-Zerne
Serb.-Zerne
Serb.-Zerne
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Blacksmith
Blacksmith
Coach builder
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Merchant
Farm owner
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Notary public

Public official
Innkeeper employee

Shoemaker
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Farm owner
Baker
Farm owner
Farm owner
Butcher
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Blacksmith
Blacksmith
Schoolmaster
Pharmacist
Locksmith
Housekeeper
2
2
4
2
1
4
2
2
1
2
1
4
2
5
4
2
3
1
3
--
4
3
3
4
1
3
2
3
5
--
1
2
3
2
4
2
2
3
4
2
65



House
No.



Name


Family
Nickname



Occupation
No. of Family Members Residing

325


104
105

106
107

108

340
109
110



11
112
113

114


115

116

117
328
118

119
320
330


120

121
Dr. Hans Nicka
Widow Anna Nicka
Bogdan Kalenitsch
Johann Schillinger
Johann Bodwen
Widow Rosalia Bodwen
Anton Franz
Widow Barbara Wirth
Josef Wirth
Nikolaus Fendt
Widow Eva Fendt and child(ren)
Matthias Bockmüller
Jakob Stiebel
Nikolaus Schleimer
Peter Spengler
Peter Steigerwald
Widow Magdalena Steigerwald
Josef Michels
Kristof Bischof
Matthias Bambach
Widow Katharina Schleimer
Josef Spitz
Peter Hoffmann
Josef  Hoffmann
Josef Bischof
Johann Bischof
Martin Stiebel
Anton Stiebel
Michael Hazkötö
Peter Wolf
Anton Weissmann
Michael Weissmann
Widow Maria Pape
Widow Magdalena Lenhardt
Friedrich Retzler
Ludwig Weber
Karl Themare, Jr.
Josef Klefas
Michael Ginali
Franz Stefik




Feuerwehrkom.

Wethmer




Trineis



Serb.-Zerne
Serb.-Zerne
Scharls
Schlosser-Stoffl
Putri

Krume
Serb.-Zerne
Serb.-Zerne
Matzschulz
Matzschulz



Lup
Rikes
Rikes







Ungar
Physician
Housekeeper

Innkeeper
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Agricultural official
Butcher
Housekeeper
Tailor
Farm owner
Merchant
Farm owner
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farmer
Locksmith
Carpenter
Housekeeper

Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner

Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Housekeeper

Mill employee
Tinsmith
Farm owner
Slipper maker
Milk associate
1
1
3
4
2
1
4
2
3
4
3
4
4
2
2
3
1
4
3
2
1
4
3
2
4
2
3
2
2
2
3
2
1
2

2
3
2
4
3
66



House
No.



Name


Family
Nickname



Occupation
No. of Family Members Residing

122

123
124
125

126

127
128
350
129
130
131

132

133

134
135
136

137
138
335

139
140
141
142
143

144
145
146
147
148

149
Josef Wirth
Widow Elisabeth Rohr
Michael Recktenwald
Peter Wilms
Johann Stiebel
Widow Gertrud Weissmann
Michael Bockmüller
Widow Theresia Bockmüller
Johann Wilms
Heinrich Linster
Michael Grün
Johann Konrad
Anton Strunk
Nikolaus Tabar
Widow Maria Traubenik
Johann Schulz
Heinrich Schulz
Michael Kampf
Widow Elisabeth Amschlinger
Johann Michels
Jakob Brumm
Jakob Jost
Widow Katharina Linster
Konrad Tabar
Franz Gengler
Widow Katharina Szentesch
Michael Renye
Josef Fassbinder
Johan Wegesser
Jakob Lehn
Johann Kilcher
Josef Weber, Jr.
Johann Weber, Sr.
A Serbian
A Serbian
A Hungarian
Slavko Rajkov, Serbian
Matthias Retzler
Johann Retzler
Johann Rothenbach


Farles
Jetze
Brunersch
Rikes


Jetze




Amerika

Olichmüller
Olichmüller
Mause



Schärche
Maurematze
Muri



Heng



Bernatz
Bernatz







Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Farm owner
Merchant
Bandmaster
Farm owner

Seamstress
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Barber
Farm owner

Housekeeper
Bricklayer
Tailor
Housekeeper
Laborer
Laborer
Laborer
Laborer
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner




Laborer
Laborer
Farm owner
3
1
3
4
4
1
3
1
3
3
4
2
5

1
4
2
3
1
4
3

1
4
3
1
4
3
5
5
2
3
2




2
3
4
67



House
No.



Name


Family
Nickname



Occupation
No. of Family Members Residing


150

151
152
153
154
155

156
157

158

159
160
161

162

163
164
165
166

167



168
169
170
171
172
173
174
175
176

177
Kaspar Rothenbach
Johann Bollmann
Widow Katharina Noel
Konrad Eichmüller
Nikolaus Tabar
Josef Frauhoffer
Franz Quint
Michael Konrad
Widow Katharina Spuhler
Peter Kampf
Johann Bischof
Stefan Bischof
Johann Winter
Anton Winter
Paul Serwo
Wilhelm Brenner
Josef Bodwen
Widow Anna Bodwen
Nikolaus Jost
Widow Anna Grün
Martin Grabovsky
Lenhardt Mill
Josef Ackermann
L. Mill warehouse
Widow Barbara Risinger
Johann Bischof
Widow Anna Rothenbach
Widow Katharina Bockmüller
Peter Mayer
Ignaz Willing
Josef Mayer
Anton Weissmann
Johann Stefik
Ludwig Neumayer
Widow Elisabeth Jung
Matthias Bockmüller
Kristof Grün
Josef Noel
Josef Rothenbach
Josef Recktenwald



Kleng
Bergersch
Müllermatze
Wasa


Mause








Argentina








Serb.-Zerne
Kruwel

Muri
Rikes
Ungar

Haas


Schlitzje

Farle
Farm owner
Rope maker
Housekeeper
Laborer
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Carpenter
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Carpenter
Carpenter
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Housekeeper

Housekeeper
Iron handler

Locksmith

Housekeeper
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Housekeeper
Tailor
Blacksmith
Merchant
Butcher
Locksmith
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Shoemaker
Farm owner
2
3
1
8
3
4
3
3
1
3
4
2
3
2
2
4
3
1

1
3

2

1
2
1
4
7
3
2
2
6
3
3
2
4
4
2
3
68



House
No.



Name


Family
Nickname



Occupation
No. of Family Members Residing


178
179


180

181


182

183







184
185
186
187
188
189
190
191
192
193

194
195
195
196

197

326

Matthias König
Georg Wilms
Anton Schulz
Johann Schulz
Anton Mayer
Johann Mayer
Martin Mayer
Franz Nicka
Philip Schleimer
Johann Schleimer
Johann Schleimer, Jr.
Johann Schleimer, Sr.
Johann Bechinger
Matthias Grün, Jr.
Matthias Grün, Sr.
Anton Kremer
Widow Elisabeth Tabar
Matthias Szentesch
Jakob Szentesch
Jakob Szentesch, Sr.
Peter Weissmann
Gustav Schmidt
Nikolaus Schleimer
Kristof Kremer
Johann Tabar
School
Church
Franz Brunet
Johann Tabar
Nikolaus Fraunhoffer
Matthias Habel
Nikolaus Fraunhoffer
Michael Kremm
Josef Mayer
Matthias Weiss
Karl Tines
Nikolaus Fraunhoffer
Johann Szilagyi
Nikolaus Kowatsch
Widow Karolina Kowatsch
Schadader
Jetze
Olichmüller
Olichmüller
Stiebel, Serb.-Zerne
Pauls
Pauls
Fleischer
Serb.-Zerne
Serb.-Zerne
Tores
Tores

Serb.-Zerne
Serb.-Zerne
Serb.-Zerne
Serb.-Zerne
Serb.-Zerne
Serb.-Zerne
Serb.-Zerne
Bockmüllersch







Scharl

Müllermatze

Müllermatze
Stiebel
Antons
Nickel
Ziegeleibesitzer
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Butcher
Innkeeper
Innkeeper
Farm owner
Farm owner
Hat maker
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Merchant
Innkeeper
Merchant
Schoolmaster


Pastor
Butcher
Farm owner
Merchant
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Locksmith
Veterinarian
Bricklayer
Housekeeper
2
3
3
3
3
4
3
2
2
4
2
2
3
3
2
2
1
4
2
2
4
3
2
2
3


2
4

3
3
3
2
4
2
2
3
3
1
69



House
No.



Name


Family
Nickname



Occupation
No. of Family Members Residing

198

199

200
201
202

203

396
197
398

399


352

347
400
401
370
322
204


205
206
311
307
208

209

331
210

211

Nikolaus Stuprich
Widow Elisabeth Stuprich
Peter Krach
Widow Anna Krach
Michael Kathrein
Johann Sensendorf
Johann Weber (emigrated)
Johann Tabar
Jakob Wolf
Nikolaus Krisch
Peter Köstner
Matthias Tines
Matthias Steigerwald
Johann Krisch
Johann Fendt
Josef Fendt
Constabulary
Nikolaus Theis
Martin Weissmann
Train station
Slavko Jugin, Serbe
Djuro Scharan
Slavko Grubin
Widow Anna Wolframm
Anton Schleimer
Franz Hüpfel
Widow Sophie Bunghardt
Philipp Beck
Michael Mayer
Friedrich Weber
Anton Sehr
Matthias Noel
Widow Katharina Bambach
Joca Grubin
Bogdan Grubin
Josef Fraunhoffer
Nikolaus Bischof
Widow Anna Bischof
Peter Kathrein
Michael Kathrein
Eckstuprich




Kicks

Schneider Jani




Heilige





Rikes


Zigeuner
Serbe

Amerika



Haschi

Sacha
Schlitzje

Serbe
Serbe
Müllersepp




Farm owner
Housekeeper
Butcher
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Shoemaker

Tailor
Locksmith
Locksmith
Timber handler

Tinsmith
Tinsmith
Merchant
Shoemaker

Innkeeper
Butcher

Innkeeper


Housekeeper

Laborer
Housekeeper
Rope maker
Laborer
Shoemaker
Shoe attendant
Laborer
Housekeeper


Farm owner
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Merchant
4
1
4
1
5
2

3
1
3
3
2
2
3
4
1

1
2

3
9
3
3

4
6
4
5
1
3
5
1
3
1
2
3
1
3
1
70



House
No.



Name


Family
Nickname



Occupation
No. of Family Members Residing

212

213
214

215


216

217

218
219

220
221

222

223

224
225

226
227

349
228
229
230

231
232

233
234

235
Josef Kremer
Josef Frauenhoffer, Sr.
Kristof Schmidt
Friedrich Kowatsch
Nikola Gavrilov
Nikolaus Neidenbach
Widow Anna Tillschneider
Widow Barbara Simmaler
Nikolaus Schulz
Widow Anna Schulz
Johann Getsch
Anton Franz
Johann Schleimer
Matthias Schleimer
Widow Elisabeth Schleimer
Nikolaus Weiss
Johann Paul
Widow Anna Paul
Johann Jost
Widow Katharina Jost
Kristof Steigerwald
Widow Anna Kathrein
Philip Roth
Lorenz Engels, Jr.
Lorenz Engels, Sr.
Nikolaus Fessel
Andreas Kron
Johann Mayer
Michael Fessel
Anton Fendt
Peter Weiss
Kaspar Schummer
Jakob Schummer
Peter Schummer
Peter Schmidt, Jr.
Peter Schmidt, Sr.
Georg Weber
Peter Getsch
Johann Getsch
Johann Pape
Fritzschulde
Müllersepp   
Stuprich
Amerika
Russe
Amerika


Dickhanese


Numrense






Schärche

Blume

Brudersch
Phits
Phits





Antons



Stuprich
Stuprich




Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner

Public official

Housekeeper
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Blacksmith
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Laborer
Laborer
Farm owner
Shoemaker
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Barber
Farm owner
Farm owner
Shoemaker
3
2
4

3

1
1
3
1
4
2
4
4
1
4
5
1
2
1
4
1
2
3
2
2
2
2
3
4
4
3
2
5
3
2
2
3
2
5
71



House
No.



Name


Family
Nickname



Occupation
No. of Family Members Residing

336
236

237
238

239

240
241

242
243
244
245
246
247

248

249
250


337
337
338
251

252

253

329

254

255
256

Nikolaus Weiss
Johann Retzler, Jr.
Johann Retzler, Sr.
Widow Karolina Schleimer
Karl Tines
Widow Katharina Engels
Anton Bambach, Jr.
Anton Bambach, Sr.
Deschö Richter
Josef Tabar, Jr.
Josef Tabar, Sr.
Peter Kampf
Josef Kampf
Matthias Rothenbach
Johann Hepp
Peter Krach
Kaspar Franz
Widow Margarete Franz
Anton Stiebel
Widow Gertrud Stiebel
Widow Katharina Neumayer
Friedrich Kampf
Kristof Grün
Josef Grün
Peter Kaiser
Johann Fendt
Franz Mayer
Josef Schmidt, Jr.
Josef Schmidt, Sr.
Josef Schweininger
Kaspar Schweininger
Michael Lukonitsch, Jr.
Michael Lukonitsch, Sr.
Peter Schmidt
Widow Margareta Schweininger
Josef Rauscher
Widow Katharina Rauscher
Adam Kaiser
Jakob Dolwig
Michael Mayer

Kalacker
Kalacker
Hausfrau
Nickel
Phits
Hansnickel
Hansnickel
Ungar
Scharl
Scharl
Mause
Mause



Wetmersch
Wetmersch


Fohs
Mause
Serb.-Zerne
Serb.-Zerne


Stiebel
Stuprich
Stuprich




Linkse






Coach builder
Farm owner
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Farm owner
Public official
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Locksmith
Shoemaker
Shoemaker
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Farm owner
Merchant
Butcher
Shoemaker
Grain trade
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Carpenter
Carpenter
Locksmith
Housekeeper
Coach builder
Housekeeper
Baker
Farm owner
Farm owner
2
3
2
1
4
1
3
2
4
3
2
5
2
3
3
2
4
1
1
2
1
4
2
2
3
3
2
4
2
4
2
4
2
4
1
1
1
4
2
1
72


House
No.



Name


Family
Nickname



Occupation
No. of Family Members Residing

257


258
259

260
261
262

263

264

265
266

324

267

  268a
  268b

269

270

271

272
273
274


275

276


277
Anton Recktenwald
Anton Recktenwald
Franz Habel
Johann Schmidt
Matthias König
Widow Elisabeth König
Anton Stiebel
Dr. Markus Steiner
Anton Schulz
Widow Magdalena Schleimer
Nikolaus Tabar, Jr.
Nikolaus Tabar, Sr.
Johann Tabar
Anton Steigerwald
Matthias Ackermann
Dr. Karl Nemeth
Widow Karl Nemeth
Matthias König
Widow Anna Steigerwald
Franz Stuprich, Jr.
Franz Stuprich, Sr.
Josef Franz
Josef Hoffmann
Anton Weiss
Anton Engels
Widow Gertrud Engels
Andreas Kisch
Widow Katharina Mesarosch
Josef Dekreon, Jr.
Josef Dekreon, Sr.
Milan Grubin
Slavko Vrabatz
Josef Goldschek
Widow Anna Goldschek and Kath.
Johann Spengler
Josef Spengler
Nikolaus Frauenhoffer
Widow Elisabeth Frauenhoffer
Widow Anna Frauenhoffer
Friedrich Weber



Stuprich
Schadader
Schadader
Stiebelhanse

Dickhanese

Scharle
Scharle
Klenmatze


Ungar
Ungar





Straky
Antons
Dick Phits
Phits
Ungar



Serbe
Serbe
Grossmüller




Müllermatze


Amerika
Laborer
Hat maker
Bricklayer
Farm owner
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Physician
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Bricklayer
Farm owner
Physician
Housekeeper
Locksmith
Seamstress
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Laborer
Housekeeper
Leatherworker
Shoemaker
Locksmith
Laborer
Farm owner
Housekeeper

Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Housekeeper
2
1
3
4
5
1
2
4
3
1
4
3
3
2
2
3
1
3
2
5
3
3
3
1
3
1
2
1
4
2
2
5
3
2

4
2
3
1
1
2
73


House
No.



Name


Family
Nickname



Occupation
No. of Family Members Residing


278
279

280
281

321

282

283

284
285
286
390

287

288
297
298

299

300

301

302
303
304

305
306
307

308
309
Peter Schwerb
Widow Gertraud Bischof
Matthias Franz, Jr.
Matthias Franz, Sr.
Josef Wolf
Josef Till
Widow Anna Behring
Michael Bockmüller
Widow Magdalena Tabar
Martin Sensendorf
Johann Sensendorf
Matthias Schleimer
Widow Katharina Petry
Anton Rauscher
Josef Weissmann
Mirko Stanimirov
Josef Hoffman
Son-in-law
Johann Hoffmann
Widow Katharina Willing
Farms of the Count
Csekonics estate
Widow Elisabeth Bockmüller
Anton Feuerholz
Franz Themare
Widow Eva Konrad
Anton Bambach
Karl Krämer
Josef Fischer, Jr.
Josef Fischer, Sr.
Paul Helfrich
Nikolaus Kampf
Peter Feuerholz
Widow Anna Feuerholz
Kristof Renye
Widow Elisabeth Nehr
Peter Sterz
Widow Margarete Dolwig
Paul  Hepp
Widow Katharina Schivan


Paschusch
Paschusch
Lup


Trinais

Kicks
Kicks
Tores


Hausplatz
Serbe
Hänsje
Ungar
Hänsje







Putri



Kinsche
Kampfschneider


Ziegler


Nauert


Laborer
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Farm owner
Phandur (Austrian infantryman)
Locksmith
Housekeeper
Locksmith
Housekeeper
Tailor
Tailor
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Carpenter

Laborer
Locksmith
Laborer
Liquor distiller
Housekeeper


Housekeeper
Laborer
Bricklayer
Housekeeper
Laborer
Wicker binder
Farm owner
Farm owner
Laborer
Laborer
Laborer
Housekeeper
Laborer
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Housekeeper
5
5
5
2
2
4
1
8
1
3
2
5
1
4

2
4
3
3
2


1
4
2
1
5
1
3
2
3
2
2
1
3
4
4
1
2
2
74


House
No.



Name


Family
Nickname



Occupation
No. of Family Members Residing

310
311

312
313

314

315
316
317
318


319



334
335
336
337
338


Anton Bodwen   
Peter Weissmann
Martin Weissmann
Hansi Lakatosch
Johann Weber
Widow Eva Weber
Anton Mayer
Nikolaus Schuld
Johann Weissmann
Kathi Scharan
Michael Traubenick
Josef Bungart (emigrated)
Josef Bungart
Johann Bungart
Stockman's house and
cattle administration
Anna Schorsch
Anton Schivan
At Endremajor
At Endremajor
At Endremajor
At Endremajor
At Endremajor
11 more numbers in the
business area



Zigeuner
Amerika

Riess
Brotsack
Bockmüllersch
Zigeuner








Serben
Serben
Serben
Serben
Serben

Serben
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner


Housekeeper
Laborer
Laborer
Farm owner

Laborer

Laborer


Laborer
Housekeeper
Laborer







3
3
2
3
---
1
1
6
4
6
4
---
4


4
2
1








Houses and Dwellings of Serbisch-Zerne
Jakob Nickels


House
No.



Name


Family
Nickname



Occupation
No. of Family Members Residing


Matthias Zapletan
Nikolaus Stiebel
Nikolaus Kampf
Peter Kern, Jr.
Peter Kern, Sr.
J. Tillschneider
Josef Weissmann
Josef Bockmüller
Widow Eva Neurohr
Friedrich Kanton
Josef Wagner, Jr.
Josef Wagner, Sr.
Josef Ludwig
Johann Damm
Johann Rothenbach
Franz Krämer
Andor Koch
Widow Koch
Michael Wurmlinger
Johann Koch, Son Anton
Matthias Steigerwald
Josef Hansinger
  and Mother
Widow Karolina Wilms
Widow Karolina Nicka
Matthias Maurus
and Parents
Michael Hönig
Matthias Rothenbach
Widow Maria Uri
Widow Karolina Kern
Matthias Schulde
Karl Themare
Widow Maria Hemmert
with Sister
Jakob Stiebel
Widow Anna Ackermann


Mause



Andrese
Trinais
Hanes



Oschtermer


















Riemer





Farm owner
Farm owner
Merchant
Coach builder
Coach builder
Laborer
Farm owner
Laborer
Housekeeper
Laborer
Laborer
Laborer
Carpenter
Laborer
Farm owner
Butcher
Iron handler
Housekeeper
Laborer

Butcher

Housekeeper
Housekeeper
Housekeeper
Locksmith

Laborer

Housekeeper
Housekeeper

Tinsmith
Housekeeper

Farm owner
Housekeeper
4
2
3
3
2
1
3
2
1
3
4
1
3
3
2
5
3
1
3
4
4
4
1
2
2
4
2
3
3
1
1
3
3
2
1
3
1
76


House
No.



Name


Family
Nickname



Occupation
No. of Family Members Residing


Nikolaus Amschlinger, Sr.
Nikolaus Amschlinger, Jr.
Widow Karolina Kirach
Ignaz Willing
Nikolaus Kampf
Matthias Tabar
Johann Bohr
Matthias Schäfer
Widow Anna Kampf
Anton Schweininger
and mother
Peter Kampf
Nikolaus Feuerholz
with parents
Adam Brum
Peter Schleimer
Anton König
Josef Petry
Serbisch-Zerne, School
Martin Weissmann
Johann Weissmann
Anton Ludwig
Widow Regina Ludwig
Josef Engels
Jakob Wichnal
Josef Wichnal
Elisabeth Wilms
Nikolaus Kutschera
Peter Hoffmann, Emigrated
Johann Merkler
Michael Weissmann
Mother-in-law Diwo
two grandchildren
Anton Weissmann, Jr.
Anton Weissmann, Sr.
Widow Kristina Bohr
Kristof Weissmann
Michael Weissmann, Jr.
Johann Hoffmann
Anton Weissmann




Kläre
Bastjan
Flitje

Oschtermer


Mause











Phits




Hänaje

Wister


Wister
Wister
Flitje
Flitje
Wister
Straky
Andrese
Farm owner
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Blacksmith
Farm owner
Barber
Milk contractor
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Laborer

Laborer
Blacksmith
Slipper maker
Merchant

Farm owner
Farm owner
Laborer
Housekeeper
Laborer
Blacksmith
Blacksmith
Housekeeper
Laborer

Rope maker
Farm owner
Housekeeper

Farm owner
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Carpenter
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
2
4
1
3
2
4
4
4
1
3
1
3
6

5
2
2
3

5
2
3
1
4
2
3
1
2

2
4
1
2
4
2
1
3
4
4
1
77


House
No.



Name


Family
Nickname



Occupation
No. of Family Members Residing


Johann Theiss
Nikolaus Tabar
Widow Anna Tabar
Widow Kristina Weissmann
Michael Weissmann
Matthias Schweininger
Matthias Schweininger
Georg Bollmann
Johann Kampf
Matthias Kampf
Johann Maul
Matthias Spengler
and mother
Elisabeth Spengler
Wenzel Oberst
Matthias Wegesser
Widow Elisabeth Schmidt
Johann Stankowitsch
Son-in-law
Nikolaus Weissmann
Widow Elisabeth Klefas
Peter Kalessa
Anton Spuhler
Franz Stefik
Michael Traubenik
Johann Blatt
Matthias Grün
Josef Schulz
Widow Maria Renye
Anton Tabar, Jr.
Anton Tabar, Sr.
Jakob Tabar
Peter Bockmüller
Anton Mayer
Anton Bischof
Widow Katharina Mayer
Elisabeth Scherber
Jakob Winter
Adam Matye
Nikolaus Weissmann
Schero
Tschaklose
Tschaklose
Flitje
Flitje



Klematze
Klematze

Phitjes

Amerika, probably


Schreier


Miklos





Strunk

Olichmüller

Klenmatze
Klenmatze
Bockmüllersch
Amerika
Froni

Kruwel



Rikese
Farm owner
Laborer
Housekeeper
Housekeeper
Shoemaker
Carpenter
Carpenter
Rope maker
Farm owner
Farm owner
Ranger
Farm owner
Housekeeper

Dam clearer
Laborer
Housekeeper
Farm owner

Farm owner
Housekeeper
Locksmith
Butcher


Laborer
Baker
Landlord
Housekeeper
Farm owner
Farm owner
Laborer

Bricklayer
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Housekeeper
Carpenter
Laborer
Farm owner
4
2
1
2
5
3
2
2
3
2
2
4
1

3
5
1
2
3
4
1
3
5
3
4
4
2
4
1
4
2
2

5
3
1
3
3
1
2
78


House
No.



Name


Family
Nickname



Occupation
No. of Family Members Residing


Johann Walter
and son-in-law
Nikolaus Fromari
Andreas Wesselak
Anton Mayer
Matthias Bambach
Widow Anna Krämer
Anton Koch, son-in-law
Michael Martin
Johann Hansinger, in-law
Franz Tabar
Matthias Ludwig
Martin Martin
Franz Zachari
Franz Vormittag
Ludwig Bach
Franz Konrad
Widow Maria Walter
Josef Kalay
Widow Barbara Brumm
Anton Feuerholz
Peter Kampf
Johann Hüpfel
Widow Barbara Hüpfel
Widow Margaretha Bach
Josef Oberst
Johann Neurohr
Peter Hansinger
Widow Barbara Neurohr
Michael Henika
Widow Barbara Fromari
Nikolaus Weissmann
Widow Baraba Weissmann
Kristof Wilhelm
Franz Schwarz, son
Widow Katharina Schulz
Anton Ginali
Widow Barbara Baron
Widow Katharina Neurohr
Johann Kampf





Putri
Remsing








Koch
Ott






















Kläre
Laborer

Farm owner
Laborer
Farm owner
Carpenter
Housekeeper
Laborer




Merchant


Postman
Farm worker
Housekeeper
Laborer
Housekeeper


Musician
Housekeeper
Housekeeper
Laborer
Laborer

Housekeeper
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Laborer
Housekeeper


Housekeeper
Laborer
Housekeeper
Housekeeper
Laborer
2
3
2
5
2
2
1
5
1
5
3
4
2
2
2
5
6
7
2
5
4
3
4
1
2
5
5
4
1
2
1
2
1
1
3
1
5
1
1
2
79


House
No.



Name


Family
Nickname



Occupation
No. of Family Members Residing


Michael Neidenbach
Imre Zavargo
Nikolaus Rebel
Peter Tides
Nikolaus Weber
Franz Cservenyak
Josef Mayer
Widow Katharina Rebel
Johann Rebel
Josef Fechter
Josef Spitz
Heinrich Tides
Franz Sensendorf
Peter Winschel
Nikolaus Roth
Michael Ludwig
Franz Hoffmann
Johann Dorn
Peter Sterz
Johann Weissmann
Nikolaus Kampf
Widow Emilia Rausch
Michael Rausch
Josef Schuld
Josef Wilms
Stefan Zavargo
Matthias Krämer
Rudolf Bambach
Wilhelm Brenner
Michael Wolf
Martin Spitz
Widow Karolina Petrowitsch
Widow Eva Anton
Franz Ginali
Johann Fechter
Anton Seppelfeld
Fritz Hollerbach
Kaspar Bambach
Matthias Lösch
Nikolaus Bockmüller
Fitzko
Ungar


Kerstoffel

Bascht







Schneider Nikolaus

Hänaje


Franke
Kläre


Hanever
Scheckige







Tschaks







Laborer
Laborer
Carpenter
Farm owner
Farm owner
Laborer

Housekeeper
Laborer
Laborer

Farm owner
Tailor
Laborer
Farm owner
Laborer
Merchant
Vegetable handling
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Housekeeper
Bricklayer
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner
Painter
Photographer
Farm owner
Farm owner

Housekeeper
Housekeeper
Laborer
Laborer
Laborer
Laborer
Carpenter


2
3
6
2
4
2
2
1
7
6
4
2
5
2
2
5
3
2
2
2
3
2
2
3
2
3
5
6
4
2
2
2
1
5
3
5
3
4
3
3
80


House
No.



Name


Family
Nickname



Occupation
No. of Family Members Residing


Widow Magdalena Weissmann
Peter Brandecker
Widow Ploni Schmidt
Josef Dekreon
Johann Ginali
Johann Lauer
Matthias Weron
Josef Engels
Peter Kreiter
Widow Susanna Russo
Karl Weber
Karl Weber
Peter Wolf
Matthias Beck
Stefan Sterz
Matthias Beck
Widow Katharina Höfler
Widow Emilia Eichmüller
Jakob Weron
Franz Konrad
Johann Bernat
Peter Kathrein
Johann Kron
Peter Mannes
Johann Wolf
Peter Wesselak
Johann Lösch
Anton Krettler
Josef Walter


























Ziegelei
Windmüller

Housekeeper

Housekeeper






Housekeeper



Bricklayer
Laborer
Laborer
Housekeeper
Housekeeper

Laborer

Laborer
Laborer
Laborer





3
4
1
3
2

6
3
3
1
1
1
4
3
3
2
3
1
3
2
3
3
2
2
3
2
3
2
2
81

Registered German Businesses,
as well as Manufacturers in Deutsch-Zerne
in 1941

Anton Kampf


House
No.
Mills
Brickyard
Tree nursery
Lumber yards

Granaries
Dairies
Soda water producers

Liquor breweries
Hatter business

Inns




Draperies and haberdashery


Haberdashery




Hardware and haberdashery store
Bakeries

Butchers


Widow Magda Lenhardt
Nikolaus Fraunhoffer
Josef Czanik
Peter Köstner
Anton Tabar
Josef Krämer
Franz Stefik
Matthias Tabar
Stefan Szanto
Johann Hoffmann
Johann Bechinger
Anton Recktenwald
Stefan Szanto
Johann Schillinger
Nikolaus Schleimer
Friedrich Retzler
Nikolaus Theiss
Michael Wilms
Nikolaus Schleimer
Gustav Schmidt
Matthias Kampf
Josef Mayer
Hans Kampf
Michael Grün
Johann Fendt
Martin Grabowski
Johann Wagner
Adam Kaiser
Martin Weissmann
Nikolaus Fendt
Anton Weissmann
Franz Nicka
Johann Tabar
Peter Krach
Peter Kaiser
Peter Retzler
164
197
352
396
81
212
121
18
70
287
183
257
70
104
330
230
352
48
110
185
92
169
335
350
399
163
99
255
55
108
170
181
192
199
337
101
82


House
No.
Threshing machine owner with
locksmith's shop



Locksmiths




Blacksmith's shops




Tinsmiths


Wagoner


Barrel maker
Carpenters







Funeral homes

Strappers

Tailors






Anton and Josef Till
Josef Ackermann
Johann Stefik
Matthias König
Peter Schmidt
Josef Hoffmann
Kristof Bischof
Jakob Wolf
Nikolaus Krisch
Michael Bockmüller
Konrad Weber
Anton Rothenbach
Matthias Lischeron
Ignaz Willing
Johann Paul
J. Kirsch and M. Steigerwald
Karl Themare, Jr.
Georg Muranyi
Anton Fessel
Johann Rothenbach
Josef Rauscher
Michael Sedlak
Jakob Becker
Jakob and Johann Sedlak
Friedrich Retzler
Jahonn Steigerwald Jr. and Sr.
Michael Konrad
Anton and Johann Winter
Michael Lukonitsch, Jr. and Sr.
Anton Rauscher
Michael Lukonitsch
Friedrich Retzler
Peter Rausch
Josef Dekreon
Philip Rausch
Franz Gengler
Peter Mayer
Johann Tabar
Johann and Martin Sensendorf
Matthias Bockmüller
28
165
171
324
329
390
112
203
203
321
66
87
103
168
221
398
331
67
60
88
254
42
1
42
47
71
135
158
253
284
253
47
41
271
50
138
167
202
282
340
83


House
No.
Seamstresses





Barbers


Painters
Shoemakers










Slipper makers
Carpenter
Master bricklayer








Rope makers

Basket weavers
Electricians

Church worker
Gravedigger
Knitters


Maria Wagner
Maria Traubenik
Katharina Mayer
Karolina Weissmann
Theresia Bodwen
Anna Steigerwald
Matthias and Josef Kampf
Johann Michels, Jr. and Sr.
Georg Weber
Johann Engels, Jr. and Sr.
Johann Sensendorf
Anton Fendt
Johann Pape
Johann Hepp, Jr. and Sr.
Johann Fendt
Johann Kampf
Johann Seiler
Johann Weissmann
Friedrich Weber
Josef Rothenbach
Josef Dekreon
Michael Ginali
Matthias Bambach
Heinrich Bauhof
Nikolaus Neumayer
Konrad Tabar
Franz Habel
Anton Steigerwald
Franz Themare
Nikolaus Kowatsch
Johann Engels
Josef Mayer
Johann Bollmann, Jr.
Philip Beck
Karl Krämer
Philip Wersching
Josef Schummer
Johann Spiess
Michael Kampf
Magdalena Weber
Magdalena Bischof
Elisabeth Willing
99
131
167
184
310
324
34-35
134
233
377
201
228
235
245
337
97
27
13
206
176
271
120
113
2
74
137
257
264
299
326
25
327
150
205
300
40
36
342

233
167
168
84

Registered German Businesses,
as well as Manufacturers in Serbisch-Zerne
in 1941

Anton Kampf

Streetcar depot
Windmills
Dairies


Photographers
Inns and assorted goods

Draperies and haberdashery


Haberdashery



Hardware and haberdashery
Bakeries
Butchers



Threshing machine owner and
locksmith's shop
Blacksmiths



Tinsmiths
Wagoner
Carpenters

Strappers
Tailors

Widow Karolina Nicka
Anton Kretler
Rudolf Bambach
Josef Hansinger
Johann Bohr
Rudolf Bambach
Josef Schleimer
Josef Schulz
Karl Traub
Josef Grün
Matthias Habel
Josef Petry
Nikolaus Kampf
Franz Hoffman
Martin Martin
Andreas Koch
Matthias Grün
Matthias Rothenbach
Franz Krämer
Matthias Steigerwald
Anton Spuhler

Johann Sterz
Peter Kalessa
Jakob and Josef Wichnal
Michael Wurmlinger
Ignaz Willing, Jr.
Karl Themare
Peter Kern
Nikolaus Rebel
Jakob Winter
Matthias Schulde
Franz Sensendorf

85
Barbers

Painters

Carpenters

Bricklayers

Rope makers

Slipper makers
Shoemakers
Funeral wagon driver

Matthias Tabar
Nikolaus Recktenwald
Matthias Remsing
Matthias Krämer
Matthias Schweinger, Sr. and Jr.
Matthias Bambach, Sr.
Stefan Mayer
Matthias Noel
Georg Bollmann
Johann Merkler
Anton König
Michael Weissmann
Nikolaus Kampf

86
World War II

    On September 1, 1939, the political antagonism between Germany and Poland led to the outbreak of World War II.  The Poles allied themselves with England and France; and other states followed later, taking one side or the other, so that soon the whole world was aflame.  Yugoslavia remained neutral and, at the beginning of 1941, the Viennese government signed the so-called Vienna Pact and committed itself to neutrality.  The upper military circles in the country, who thirsted for glory, were against this pact and contrived a coup under the leadership of General Simović, forcing Prince Regent Paul to leave the country and allowing the 18 year old Crown Prince Peter to succeed as king.  The Simović government even closed a friendship pact with the Soviet Union.  In Belgrade, mass demonstrations of agitated people took place.  With shouts of, “Bolje rat, nego Pakt” (Better war than the pact), the demonstrations degenerated into an unequivocal rally against Germany.
    In reply to these incidents, the imperial government declared war on Yugoslavia and ordered the bombing of Belgrade.  Early in the morning of Palm Sunday, April 6, 1941, when heavy German aircraft formations roared over our heads, we knew what was wrong:  Germany and Yugoslavia were at war.  At lightning speed the affirmation of this news spread from official quarters.  This had a paralyzing affect on the German people.  They knew what a dangerous situation this could be for them.  The first war sanctions soon followed.  All radios and firearms belonging to Germans had to be surrendered immediately.
    The following men were seized from both villages as hostages and carried off in carts from Julia-major to Peterwardein under the gun turrets of the fortress.  With the swift advance of German military units, they were quickly freed and brought back to their homeland after 8 days.
87
List of Hostages
Current
No.
Name Occupation House
  No.
 Remarks

  1.
  2.

  3.
  4.
  5.
  6.
  7.
  8.
  9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.

16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.

Johann Weissman, Jr.
Josef Weissman

Johann Stiebel
Michael Wilms
Peter Stein
Philip Rausch
Michael Schulz
Josef Kreps
Peter Stein, Jr.
Matthias Kampf
Anton Kampf
Johann Schillinger
Peter Spengler
Anton Weissmann
Josef Wirth, Jr.

Gustav Schmidt
Nikolaus Schleimer
Franz Brunet
Nikolaus Frauenhoffer
Johann Retzler
Kaspar Schweininger
Dr. Hans Nicka
Nikolaus Theiss
Peter Wirth
Peter  Köstner
Franz Pronievicz
Andreas Koch
Nikolaus Kampf
Josef Petry
Nikolaus  Hönig

Farm owner
Farm owner

Farm owner
Merchant
Farm owner
Tailor
Farm owner
Savings bank executive
Farm owner
Merchant
Farm owner
Innkeeper
Farm owner
Farm owner
Farm owner

Merchant
Innkeeper
Pastor
Brickyard officer
Farm owner
Farm owner
Physician
Innkeeper
Farm owner
Timber trade
Pharmacist
Iron worker
Merchant
Merchant
Farm owner

    5
    4

  46
  48
  49
  30
  54
  80
  86
  92
  98
104
119
118
122

185
186
191
197
236
252
325
352
385
396
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne


Fled to
Betschkerek












Released in
Peterwardein

88
    No sooner were the hostages snatched away than armed Sokol youths spread over the area, gathered all the men that they could get hold of, took them to the train station and crammed them into two railroad cars.  For 48 long hours they were held captive there under the persistent threat of massacre.  In a spirited discourse, the Serbian pastor from Alexandrovo in the Banat succeeded in persuading the guards that they should be released.
    After these events peace prevailed in the area, but apprehension about the future was noticeable.  When the constabulary left town, leaving no one in charge of order and safety, the community leaders met and agreed to provide security in both parts of Zerne, wearing mingled stripes (1 Serbian and 1 German), and contributing to the reassurance of the population.  However, that only lasted a few days and then the first German units appeared.
    During the years 1941—1942, German men fit for military service were enlisted as constabulary whose job it was to preserve peace and security, but most of them were conscribed into the newly formed “Prince Eugen Division.”  This unit was used against Yugoslavian partisans and fought shoulder to shoulder with German armed forces until the end of the war.  After the surrender, the members of this division became prisoners of war.
    The absence of the majority of men resulted in a lack of workers.  To forestall a production shortage, Serbian workers were obliged to serve the German land management.  They were used in farm work.  To provide relief for housewives, groups of German girls were provided under the guidance of the people’s group leadership.  One such group was on mission with us.  Its leader was Barbara Mayer of Stefansfeld.  The girls worked in homes from morning until early afternoon.  They were also allotted education time 2-3 times a week.  This was entrusted to Schoolmaster Hans Tabar and Schoolmistress Elisabeth Fulda.
    To make an equitable amount of provisions available, commissioners were appointed at the wheat threshing to record the level of harvest results.  Even meat consumption was limited.  Textiles, as well as shoes and leather goods, could only be purchased with ration cards.
89

    Partisan activity in the Banat was virtually unknown at the beginning of the occupation. However, over the course of time it became blatant.  To prevent it, a “German team” of those unfit for military service and older men was established.  Their task was to assist the police in maintaining law and order on a local level.  If necessary, they could also be used in larger deployments at other locations.
    In the summer of 1944 events occurred rapidly.  Due to the growing deterioration of the war situation, Romania surrendered, Russians occupied the territory after a forced march, and danger was imminent to us all.
    It was planned that, in case of a threat of enemy occupation, the German populace would evacuate in their wagons but the schoolchildren would go by train.  For inexplicable reasons, this did not happen; merely one transport of schoolchildren, with 2 youths under the direction of Schoolmaster Tabar and Schoolmistress Fulda, could escape in the final hours.  The beginning of this journey can be read in the article, “Der Zusammenbruch nähert sich” [The Collapse Approaches].  The further fate of this transport follows:  many high-quality groceries (meal, fat, ham, bacon) that had been loaded into a baggage car remained standing for a long time in Betschkerek, the other things such as tailored clothing, probably at Theiss-strand in Aradac.  The workers there refused to load our things onto the ship for the reason that they had already been working continuously for 3 days and nights and could no longer continue.  After they were pacified with 10,000 dinar [Ed. note: about $40.00 U.S.] and friendly persuasion, they accepted the work.  Unfortunately, I have a justifiable suspicion that a good part of our luggage did not arrive on the ship but landed instead in the shore-side woods.  The remainder that we brought to Werbass was entrusted to a guard troop under command of transport management to bring our things up the Danube to Germany.  In this case, we apparently trusted the cat to keep the cream, as was later learned.
    We traveled with our hand luggage in sight in constant fear of hostile air raids, first to Vienna, then to Passau.  There we were overtaken by the Organisation für Kinder-Landverschikkung [Organization for Evacuation of Children to the Country] (KLV), divided up into groups, and 
90

sent to various camps belonging to the organization.  From then on everyone was under the command of this organization.  It should be mentioned that the rest of the luggage was finally discovered in Moldautein in the Tschechei.  But it was meager — drenched and, for the most part, in useless condition.  Fortunately, they received coupons so that the loss could be somewhat replaced.
    The final result was that, in spite of all this, the children who went on the transport, in comparison to their schoolmates in the homeland, had a better fate.  For me personally, it was a great satisfaction to find out after the war that a card I wrote through the Red Cross actually arrived in the homeland and they learned there that we had arrived safely at our destination.

——————◊——————

The Political Breaking Point Approaches

    The fact that a severe test was approaching for our people was already apparent in 1942 with the defeat of Stalingrad.  After that, the German armed forces lost faith in their fortunes of war.  The retreat movements began, the enemy became visibly stronger, their war successes multiplied.  While, at the beginning of the hostilities the German Air Force was confident they were capable of dominating their own and hostile airspace, the situation gradually changed.  An undeniable shift in power occurred.  The production centers of the enemy manufactured a vast number of aircraft and other materials needed for the leadership of the air war.  Their flight personnel also multiplied continually, and even the hardest blows of the German Air Force could not bring about a change.  Already the enemy was in position to carry out heavy retaliatory strikes without being hindered.  Soon the power balance of the strong, yes, the superiority of the enemy, was evident.
    The German fleet could not even compare with enemy fleets.  They, of course, scored tremendous successes, but because of their diverse responsibilities, they also scored painful losses. 
91

While at first, German submarines were able to bring England’s traffic to a standstill by blockade, the enemy gradually succeeded in eliminating these dangerous weapons.
    So it slowly came to the point where the enemy was in a position to produce a vast number of weapons and war materials without interference in territories that were inaccessible to the Germans, while Germany, with its allies and its territorial possessions, was caught up more and more in the domain of the enemy war machine.
    By and by the production centers were destroyed, hostile air raids hindered production, driving people into air raid shelters, destroying and devastating houses and dwellings, and claiming thousands upon thousands of casualties.
    The size of the enemy armed forces grew steadily, their pool of men seemingly inexhaustible, while the last of our able-bodied men had already been recruited.  The inevitable result was a military setback.  In 1943 the Italian military was eliminated.  The Anglo-American invasion in the West and the Soviet Russian offensive in the East, begun in 1944, drove German troops back to the pre-war German border.  The greater the military success of the opponent, the more sabotage and partisan activities flared up in the territorial possessions and soon the allies left.
    Our final decision came in the late summer of 1944.  The Russians stood at the border of the Banat, partisan activity increased noticeably.  In our sister communities, there were raids in the business courtyards, whereby haystacks of grain and threshing machines were destroyed or set afire.  The breaking point had come.
    About two weeks before this, our village train had pulled out of Romania.  It stopped to rest and stayed there overnight.  Everything was well organized.  Men from the people’s group leadership appeared, paid the train operator, assembled escapees, made statements to them and gave them advice.  The wagons stood ready near us.  All preparations were made.  Planning was done and arrangements were made to the smallest detail. Was it more likely due to the military leadership or 
92

to our people’s group leadership that nothing [worse] happened?  The wildest rumors circulated, and perplexity  increased.
    Around midnight on the evening of September 30 to October 1, I was awakened by the security service officer living in our house and informed that the children booked for the children’s transport would be able to start their journey on the next train.  Since I was scheduled as the trip leader for this transport, I took the necessary precautions and gathered the children together at the train station punctually at 12:30.  Unfortunately, the train was very late and we left around 2:30.  According to earlier instructions, we took along lots of high-quality groceries in a freight car.  My task as transport leader was to take all the groups of children by railway to Betschkerek.  The train chugged along slowly.  Finally we reached the first German community, Tschestelek.  The station was full of people, but no children to travel with us.  An opposite train was in the station.  Passengers and sightseers tried to persuade me to return.  I tried to contact the school official, but the entire public telephone system had stopped working.  So we traveled farther.  In St. George the last group of children climbed aboard, under the direction of Schoolmaster Josef Feimer.  Neither in Kathreinfeld nor in Klek did more children climb in.  In Klek, light artillery stood along the railway embankment.  During the journey we could also observe how Stukas [dive bombers] fired at Lazarfeld.  Finally we came to the Betschkerek sugar factory.  The railroad station was crammed with railcars.  The waiting period was lasting an extremely long time, so I approached the stationmaster.  This person was a staff sergeant in the Armed Forces and a civilian teacher, as it turned out.  I asked for the cause for the delay, whereupon he answered, “You are definitely not in a desirable situation.  Our tank platoon attempted a raid 4 km from here and was so damaged by the Russians that it is now in need of repair.  It is standing on the bridge and blocking the continuation of your journey.  As soon as the damages are repaired and the platoon passes, the way will be clear for you.”  It did not take all that long before the massive tank platoon crept past us and, in a few minutes, we reached the main station.
    I had hoped that arrangements or instructions awaited us there.  Not at all!  The group from St. George — they had even less baggage — got separated from us and steered the way to the office 
93

of the people’s group leader.  I begged the leader to try to understand our situation and help us.  There were long, anxious minutes, but nothing stirred him.  Finally I decided to act without his assistance.  The view upon arrival appeared to be a harrowing scene of confusion.  But time pressed on.  Eventually I met a man who even in this situation had a clear head:  Dr. Adam Maurus, director of the education office.  With his help, I succeeded in persuading a few LKW-s of the armed forces unit to drive us to the Theiss.  We drove off and, as we crossed the train track before the station, I asked that officer where was our group of children.  He said to drive on, that: “They are surely already gone?”  At my plea, he let me climb out and they drove off.  I was again deeply frustrated and my hopes sank to nothing.  Only a glimmer of hope sustained me, the assurance of Dr. Maurus that he would not abandon us.  In the pouring rain, in the pitch-dark night, every minute seemed like an eternity.  How difficult it was to keep up the spirits of the children!  Fortunately, the whole group did not suspect what danger hovered near us during those past several hours.
    Finally, a truck approached us.  It was our rescue!  Schoolteacher Hans Rasimus boarded the vehicle and, in two trips, we arrived at the River Theiss near Arad with some of our luggage.  Most of it had to be left behind at the train station.  As the last ones to board the tugboat, we were expected by Dr. Maurus and our arduous journey began.
    Our experiences demonstrate how helpless and perplexed our people’s group leadership was at confronting a situation during those days, but they also show how unsympathetically the armed forces regarded our position.

——————◊——————

List of Schoolchildren and Young People
Who Participated in the Child Dispatch

          Name
          Birth Data

Eichmüller  Elisabeth
Eichmüller  Susanna
Mayer  Elisabeth
Weissmann  Martin
Mayer  Anton
Getsch  Peter
Bach  Ludwig
Schulz  Hans
Spitz  Hans
Spitz  Michael
Spitz  Josef
Bischof  Peter
Tabar  Erna
Serwo  Paul
Wilms  Michael
Bambach  Rudolf
Schulz  Hans
Czanik  Josef
Strunk  Peter
Brenner  Anton
Tabar  Anna
Paul  Susanna
Wirth  Elisabeth
Lapping  Fanny
Deutsch-Zerne
Deutsch-Zerne
Deutsch-Zerne
Deutsch-Zerne
Deutsch-Zerne
Deutsch-Zerne
Deutsch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Deutsch-Zerne
Deutsch-Zerne
Deutsch-Zerne
Deutsch-Zerne
Deutsch-Zerne
Deutsch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Deutsch-Zerne
Deutsch-Zerne
Deutsch-Zerne
Deutsch-Zerne
Deutsch-Zerne
Deutsch-Zerne
Deutsch-Zerne
Hetin
  9
14
29
17
  2
14
21
15
28
25
15
  4
  9
26
  3
15
24
20
25
14
30
15
24
 Mar
Sep
Mar
Jan
Aug
Sep
Feb
Mar
Oct
Jan
Feb
Oct
Apr
May
Oct
Mar
Aug
Oct
Mar
Apr
Oct
May
Apr
1933
1930
1931
1932
1934
1929
1930
1931
1929
1931
1933
1929
1932
1930
1930
1931
1931
1930
1929
1931
1926
1928
1924
It should be mentioned that shortly before the forced march of the Russians — but after the transport of the children — a group of our fellow countrymen decided to flee.  As far as it can be determined, they were the following:  Martin Paul with wife, Matthias Schleimer, Nikolaus Schleimer (innkeeper), Nikolaus Hergatt with wife, daughter and grandchild, Johann Wagner (baker), Johann Schillinger (innkeeper), Matthias Bockmüller (tailor), Johann Tabar (butcher) with daughter Maria, Johann Hepp with both daughters, Anton Kampf (vice notary) with wife and daughter, George Weber (barber) with wife, Johann Wilms with wife and daughter.
    A group of girls also escaped in the last hours.  These were:  Lina Mayer (Pauls) with her sister Kathy, Lina Weissman (Rickes), Eva Themare, Kathy Dolwig and Traudl Fendt.
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    Some who also fled were Josef Schleimer, Andreas Kron with wife, Paul Hepp, Peter Mannes, Johann Goldschek, Josef Weissman and Anton Till.  After a short time they returned.  Goldschek, Weissmann and Till were shot after their return.  The wagon master, Peter Kern — who fled with his family — was detained with his family outside of Hatzfeld by Zerne Serbians and Kern was shot.
    The following reports account for the continuing fate of those who remained at home.


——————◊——————

Conditions After the Occupation
Russians and Partisans Arrive


    Extract from Volume V of the book Documentation of the Expulsion of Germans from East Central Europe.

The Fate of the Germans in Yugoslavia.

Anton Kampf

    Written testimony of Margareth Themare of Deutsch Zerne (Nemačka Crnja Modosch District (Jasa Tomić) in the Banat.
    Incidents during the occupation by Soviet troops and partisans in Zerne, coercive measures and acts of violence against the German inhabitants, numerous suicides, recurrent isolated and mass phenomena in October-November 1944.

    On October 3, 1944, the partisans came into our village.  Russian troops appeared on October 5.  According to an account prepared by Josef Kampf, this area of the village, consisting of the neighboring Deutsch-Zerne and Serbisch-Zerne, had altogether 1,929 German inhabitants in 1944.  When the order to evacuate came in the evening of October 1, 1944, the designated escape route through Grossbetschkerek was already cut off.  Only a few people fled over the nearby border to Romania before the invasion of Soviet troops.

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    On October 4, German troops again came to Zerne but only to obtain livestock and food from the Swabian yard at Neuhausen, also known as Julia-major, property that at that time belonged to the upper group leader, so the partisans withdrew.  These were not regular partisans but settlers from surrounding villages, some of whom had fled to the partisans, some of whom had lost their normal employment when the Germans left.
    The leader was a Serbisch woman from Batschka named Ljubica.  She had taken up residence in the Catholic rectory after the priest, along with 6 other men, was shot on October 4.  The priest was Franz Brunet, born in Modosch; the others were:  Bela Köstner, timber merchant; Josef Dekreon, master leatherworker; Michael Würmlinger, blacksmith; Anton Krettler, windmill owner; and Matthias Schleimer, farmer.  These men had been seized immediately after the Russians arrived.  They were buried at  Schinderplatz.
    Before the Russians got there, nothing remarkable had occurred.  Immediately after the partisans left, the Serbians came to an agreement with the Germans and proclaimed that, no matter what, they would not allow anything happen to anyone.  If the armed forces should return, likewise nothing should happen to any Serbian.  As a result, Germans believed that if partisans or Russians came, Serbians would see that nothing happened to any German.  A German and a Serbian went from house to house and announced this for reassurance.  Hans Jost came to our house with a Serbian who was unknown to me.  This agreement was made on October 4 when there were no military units in the area.
    Similar agreements were also made between local Germans and Serbians in other villages of mixed nationality.  They had been made and kept during the German-Yugoslavian War of April 1941, too.  For days after that, the Serbians awaited the Russians invasion and gathered together for that reason.  About nine o’clock, as they were assembled, the German military came into the village and shot at the assembled Serbians.  Eleven Serbians lost their lives.  The Germans had
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come in cars and, since partisans wore various uniforms, the Serbians thought that the approaching autos were partisans and so approached them with Russian flags, whereupon the shooting began.
    This incident was presented differently in other accounts.  According to them, destruction was perpetrated in the Serbisch community by this detachment of German soldiers who had come from the nearby Romanian border at Hatzfeld where a few Germans had fled.  Five Serbisch men at the border and six in the village committed suicide.
    About eleven o’clock the Russians arrived and, right after that, they seized seven men who were shot late that evening.  According to other reports, there were six German men who were also shot, among them Father Brunet, whom they claimed had been shot in front of the church steeple during the morning of the invasion of the German military division.  I do not know if the men were questioned before being shot, but I doubt it based upon what happened later.
    During the day the Russians just marched through.  But at night they invaded and plundered German homes.  No one resisted them.  On the very first night, Russians raped the women.  The local gypsies did not plunder in the beginning nor did they violate the women.  That first night the Russians came to our house, too.  I hid in the straw with a neighbor.  No one was in the house, only in the tinsmith’s workshop of my men.  They took whatever food was handy and the bed linens from a nearby bed.  Other things were tossed about.  My other neighbor E. S. told me that Russians also plundered their house and raped a woman.  There were two Russians, both of whom abused the woman while they held her at gunpoint.
    Here is an account of the recorded statement of E. S.  Because of the rapes — various statements reported a number of especially barbaric rapes, among them one of a nine year old girl — an exceptionally large number of women and entire families committed suicide out of shame and despair.
    The next day, Friday, inhabitants of the nearby colonial villages that had been resettled on the former property of Count Csekonics in 1921 came with the Russians.  They began to plunder with Russian assistance so that in many a home, everything was literally dragged away.  At most houses,
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they tied the horses to their wagons and carted it all away.  The local Serbians only weakly participated.  Allegedly, the plundering actually ceased that day due to intervention by the local Serbians.  On that day German men were abducted and shot in the parish hall.  In the evening, rapes by the Russians decreased considerably.
    On Saturday afternoon, two local Serbians armed with rifles came with a woman from the area and took me and two other women who were in the courtyard to the parish hall.  When we entered, there were already eleven women present.  Just as we came in, they brought the first dead out of the cellar and tossed them onto a wagon.  A Serbian woman, about seventeen years old, and a gypsy called upon us to sing; otherwise we would be shot.  Therefore, we sang a song, then we sang a second, and we repeated until all the dead were loaded onto the wagon.  There were five men.  We were not allowed to see who they were and my friend later told me on the way back that Josef Hoffman, the locksmith, was among them.  Still later we heard that the others were Heinrich Tides, a laborer (shot because he was a juror), Anton Schulz, a farmer, Heinrich Schulz, a farmer, and Stefan Bischof, a farmer.
    As the dead were loaded onto the wagon — and with the singing over, two of us were now forced to clap our hands behind the wagon —, a Serbian woman came, slapped the young Serbian in the face and shoved him against the door without saying a word.  Another, in a brown uniform, ordered us to stop.  Seven women were made to climb into the wagon.  The others had to remove the bloodstains in the courtyard.  I was on the wagon.  Two Serbians and a gypsy walked next to the wagon.  Only the dead and the women were in the wagon.  We drove to the Schinderplatz where the remains of a horse had been buried earlier, unloaded the dead and drove back; our escort walked beside the wagon until we reached the parish hall.  Outside we saw where three burials had probably taken place in conspicuous areas on the ground.  As we unloaded the dead, a large crowd of gypsies stood around with shovels.  One of them wanted to immediately strip a dead body.  When a male companion stopped him, he begged to be allowed just the trousers, which the companion also refused.  No doubt the dead were buried naked since that man later left
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with us.  We were then released from the parish hall.  After that, we took the wagon home.  It was the property of one of the men who had been shot.
    By the time we got back home, it was already dark.  I had hardly finished eating when two Serbians arrived with a Russian soldier and began asking questions, whereby it soon became obvious that the Russian had actually come for my daughter who had fled.  Since they could not find her, the Russian attacked us and, as we ran, a Serbian shouted that the young lady should remain.  This upset my neighbor, but she rebuffed them and ran away.  Across the alley from the courtyard where I had run, I saw them go into the house, plunder it, and throw everything around.
    In the second part of the testimony, the witness later stated:  I forgot to mention that rapes were committed mostly by the Russian and only partly by the gypsy.  At first, a partisan tried to rape a woman but was prevented and incarcerated by their leader Ljubica.  I do not know what happened about it later.
    Because of the disgraceful actions of the Russians and partisans, about 50 people hung themselves.  In one house, Kaspar Rothenbach, about 70 years old, his wife Eva, his son Johann, the son’s wife Maria, and their daughters Maria and Susanna hung themselves.
    The written testimony of farmer Josef Kampf (November 15, 1946), and the later statements (1956) compiled by him , cite the names of 48 persons from Deutsch-Zerne who  committed suicide in one night.  In the written testimony of E. W. and K. B. of Deutsch-Zerne (January and March 1952), on the first day after the occupation, the number of suicides due to the threat of imprisonment and shooting by partisans. and rape by Soviet soldiers and gypsies, is indicated as 54:  46 persons, men, women and children, are named here.  The former civil servant, Jakob Nickels, wrote in his testimony (April 2, 1958) that in Deutsch-Zerne 57 persons, including 6 children between the ages of 2 and 10, committed suicide.
    In a comparison of the names in these and other reports, it appears that the total number of suicides among the population in both areas of Zerne must be considerably higher.  The landowner 
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O. L. of Deutsch Zerne asserted in his written testimony (October 15, 1946) that, altogether, 82 cases were known to him.
    According to the statements of P. B. (September 22, 1946), some weeks later the remains of over 70 corpses that had first been buried in yard gardens were put into a mass grave in the Catholic churchyard.  Exact identifications are still not known.
    On Sunday, the Serbians went around and asked us all to commit no more suicide, that nothing more would happen.  Individual Serbians still plundered more.  After eight days there was peace.  I no longer left the house.
    The grapes from the wine gardens were all cut, taken to Julia-major and processed.  Their owners were forbidden to take the grapes.  It was made known by drumbeat that plundering was forbidden, that everyone should report cases of plundering.  However, when reports were made, people were dismissed with remarks that the plunderer must have taken things for the military, and so nothing was done.
    The drumbeat called for more clothes, more laundry, more poultry, more eggs, etc., to be delivered.  Often the people brought so much that many items had to be taken back, because the present need  had been filled, so later the demand was targeted just toward certain parts of the village.
    Around October 15, all people between the ages of 15 and 60 were made to go to work.  It was done collectively, corn cracked, corn husks cut, potatoes stubbed.  Even in winter we had to go daily, all men as well as women, to report for work at the community center.  The necessary number of workers was kept, the rest was sent home.
    On October 22, about 150 men from Zerne and other local villages, who had been kept in the community house cellar, were shot, this time at Schinderplatz.  Several reports are available about this mass shooting.  It took place on October 24; two days after a mass grave had been dug.  The exact number of those shot cannot be determined to this day.  In the description of his experiences written in several successive letters to his brother (winter 1946/47; photocopies in the document collection), the farmer Josef Kampf indicated 103 persons as the total number; in other reports
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much higher numbers were mentioned.  There were men and women from Zerne, Tschestelek and neighboring villages who had previously been arrested by the district command partisans in Serbisch-Zerne and shockingly tortured in the detention cellars.  When they were dragged off for execution, the men who had dug the day before in Hetin, Stefansfeld and Pardan were then transferred there (even Serbians and Hungarians who were accused of collaboration with the Germans) and arrested upon arrival.
    The course of events of this mass shooting is reported in the written testimony of farmer Josef Kampf as follows:  On that day, shootings were carried out in all German villages in the surrounding area.  In Nemačka Crnja, they led persons assigned for execution to the courtroom bound together with ropes.  The columns marching to execution were conveyed to the right and left by gypsies who were provided with clubs.  During the march, the gypsies could satisfy their grievances and they did so liberally.  The gypsies put particular weight into bludgeoning individuals as they passed their own houses.  If someone collapsed unconscious, he was then carried along by others with the rope.  Gypsies also used their clubs until the injured man got to his feet.  Every now and then, if one of the beaten could go no further, he was taken to the courthouse by wagon.  All the church bells rang with mockery.  Alongside the death column, Serbian men and boys rode with cowbells that clanked in discordant harmony.
    At the courthouse, the victims were made to undress; any unable to do so were stripped by the gypsies.  Then the condemned stood in groups of five or six before the mass grave where they were shot with submachine guns and with single shots from behind.  On the meadow around the Schinderplatz stood hundreds of Serbian spectators to the occasion.  The next group had to push the previous corpses into the pit if they had not fallen after being shot.  However, there were many in the grave who were not yet dead.  Several arose and turned about in their death agonies, causing laughter among the spectators . . .  Dirt was not thrown on the corpses since room had to be left for the next set of victims.
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    Although Mrs. Lina Tillschneider, who was almost 80 years old, stumbled during the referenced march to Schinderplatz, partisans did not prevent her from following the columns.  She went along willingly, never suspecting what would happen.  [She] probably resisted outside, so was shot with the others.  Among the persons in this group who were shot are the names of 6 women alleged to be from Zerne:  Lina Schillinger, about 40 years old; Anna Tabar, 36 years old; Sophia Hepp, 50 years old; Magdalena Stiebel, 38 years old; the midwife Koch, 60 years old; and the already named, almost 80 year old Lina Tillschneider née Kern.  On October 24 I witnessed the above-described executions from a distance.
    The written testimony of A. W. of Deutsch-Zerne states:  Since I lived near the village gate, I went to the attic with some others and looked out at the Schinderplatz.  There I saw people being undressed by the gypsies, having their shoes removed in the community center, and having to run barefoot to the courthouse.  After they were unclothed, they were first bludgeoned by the gypsies with clubs, then made to run toward the mass grave and, while running, they were shot by a man in a trench coat who had a submachine gun.  People were not examined as to whether or not they were dead but were all thrown into the grave.  Many men fell, however, before they were wounded, apparently  fainting with fright.  Ljubica, the local partisan leader, would then shoot them on the ground.  I saw, for example, as eighteen-year old Matthias Grün folded his hands and probably begged for his life, which did not help at all.  He had to turn again and was finished off by a shot to the neck.  Three transports of people were executed.  The shooting began at 4 o’clock.  By nightfall, the second transport was still not finished, and the third was dispatched by moonlight.  At nightfall, I left my eavesdropping post on the ground, but I heard shooting until almost 9 o’clock.  Then the partisans, singing Serbisch songs, drove back to the village in three wagons.
    According to the statements of Josef Kampf and the list of names compiled by him, on October 24 alone 61 men and 6 women from Zerne were shot (so far, 82 persons altogether); probably 14 men and 5 women from Tschestelek were also shot.  On November 23 and 25, more mass 
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shootings of 100 men altogether from Stefansfeld and Pardan were carried out at the Schinderplatz.  On November 7, it was announced that everyone up to age 60 must go to the school with whatever provisions each could carry.  When no one over 60 remained in the house, the houses should be locked and the key turned in at the community center.  We were all recorded there.  Some were selected as workers in the hemp mill.  Men between the ages of 15 and 60 were separated and taken to Julia-major.  The rest were marched towards Heufeld under partisan supervision while the sick, children and baggage were loaded into a wagon.
    We left at noon and arrived at Heufeld toward evening.  The Heufelders were also assembled.  People from other German villages were already there.  The next day we continued to Nakodorf.  There everyone was housed indiscriminately.  On the next day, the Nakodorfers were instructed that each must accommodate still more people, wherever there was space, since people from Kikinda and other villages were already there.
    Every day we were deployed to work in the fields, on country roads, etc.  We remained there 12 days.  Then everyone was permitted to go home again, without an escort.  However, since only five wagons were available for people from Zerne, many children had to run and others had to be carried.  So on November 19 we returned home, everyone to his own house.  Most houses, however, had been thoroughly plundered.  When we left our keys, notes with names and addresses were tied to them, probably so that the plunderers could more easily find their way because many keys could no longer be found, they had simply disappeared.
    After we returned home, we had to work again, as before, delivering what was previously forgotten:  flatware, plates, etc.  They left off flour and meat, since they had sufficient amounts, but dried fruit, stewed tomatoes, marmalade, sour pickles and the like were now sought.
    On December 28, 1944, women and girls from ages 18 to 30 and remaining men from ages 18 to 40 were led away, allegedly to work in Syrmia; they were told to carry food for themselves for 14 days.  But later the Serbians themselves told us that those people were sent to Russia.  Almost 
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200 people were abducted from Zerne, mostly women and girls.  According to the statements of Jakob Nickels and the lists of names arranged by Josef Kampf, 70 women and 9 men from Deutsch-Zerne were deported to hard labor in the Soviet Union where 8 women and 1 man died.  From the collective “Heimatortskartei für die Deutschen aus Südosteuropa” (“Homeland Village Files for Germans from Southeast Europe”), the neighboring communities of Deutsch- and Serbisch-Zerne lost 17 persons altogether to death in the Soviet Union.
    On January 5, 1945, everyone had to leave his home, and crowd together in the lanes by their houses.  Each person was allowed to bring anything he or she still owned.  The livestock remained at the houses, and every family had to feed its own.  However, in many houses the livestock had been taken from Julia-major to Neuhausen (owned by a Jew in 1941), which was kept as communal property covering several thousand Jochs since the adjacent Sallasche and surrounding fields were part of that property.
    On February 15, we worked in the community fields in snow and all kinds of bad weather because too much corn remained unharvested due to bad weather in the autumn.  Thus we continued to work until April 18, while in the few houses where we were crowded together, even our endless search for God’s mercy was taken away, so that soon we had nearly nothing left.
    Testimony follows regarding the construction of a public internment camp for the German people in Zerne on April 18, 1945, the transportation of children and those capable of work to the collection point in Molidorf (Molin) in December 1945 and the conditions there.
    Recorded testimony of Margarethe Themare of Deutsch-Zerne (Nemačka Crnja), District of Modosch (Jaša Tomić) in the Banat.
    The establishment of a general internment camp for the German population in Zerne on April 16, 1945, the transfer of those incapable of work, old and ill people, children, and mothers with several children to the collection point at Molidorf (Molin) in December 1945 and the conditions there.
    The first report contains statements about incidents regarding the occupation of Zerne by the Soviet troops and partisans, the acts of violence and coercive measures against the German people through April 1945.
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    On April 18, 1945, everyone was ordered to take one day’s food to the Schleimer’s inn.  There they confiscated everything, including the clothes that we wore.  Everyone had to take off extra clothing, and their money, jewelry, earrings, and baggage, even their provisions down to a piece of bread, were taken away.  They even took my linen thread and needle.  We stayed overnight in the inn, the school, and other places.  The next morning, everyone was marched outside to the meadow, which was surrounded by machine guns.  Children up to age two remained with their mothers, from ages 2 to 15 were separated and divided into three age groups.  Those children were then assigned to be cared for by people over age 50.  People up to age 50 were put into the class of workers, men and women separately.
    A group of 30 younger women was also separated and transported on the following day to Kalvarienberg Camp in Semlin (Zemum) where several such transports arrived at the same time from various villages in the Banat.  After several weeks, they were dispersed from there to a work camp in Syrmien.  The majority of these women and girls died in the winter of 1945/46 (see Report Number 585), many in the central warehouse of Sremska Mitrovica.
    In several statements about the general internment in Deutsch-Zerne, it was reported that some days later, older women and men were removed to the medical camp in Kathreinfeld.  A group of over 20 older men who had announced themselves ill were probably murdered on the way there (see also Report Number 39, Section 237, Note 15).
    When we had been separated, we went to the prepared camps and houses assigned to us.  I came into a house of 100 women, becoming woman number 101.  We took straw from the yards for a couch.  No one got bed linen.  Only the linen in baby carriages was left for the infants.  Later we received carpets that we had made from rags for covering ourselves earlier in the village.  This is how we lived for 8 months, until December 26, 1945.
    From this camp we still had to go do farm work under surveillance.  The remaining livestock were herded together in an alley by the stables, and people over age 50 were appointed to feed them.  Feeding took place without guards.  At 4 o’clock in the morning, we were given hot soup 
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with salt and lard.  At noon, soup with noodles or just noodles, pea or bean soup and the like.  Meat was never provided.  The food was not bad, though, since it was prepared by our women.  In the evenings there was usually a vegetable or something similar.  Over time the meal became more scant so that we got only 30 grams of flour each.  Bread given at the beginning contained 60 decagrams, then it was reduced, and finally it was only 10 decagrams.  Bread was made from mixing flour with about 75% corn, but toward the end it was all cornmeal.
    On December 26, 1945, children and others incapable of working were taken to the camp in Molidorf.  I was among them.
    Soon after, the first transports of Serbians from Bosnia and Montenegro arrived.  They were invited as new residents to settle into the homesteads of ousted Germans.  The merchant, Matthias Kaiser (see Report Number 39), reported the following information about this:
    In the winter of 1945/46, new colonists (from Bosnia) came to Zerne to settle into the deserted German homes and take over the livestock, fields, and agricultural devices previously owned by the Germans.  Before these colonists arrived, native Serbians were summoned by the partisan authorities and, in accordance with the newly developed “Narodna Dobare” (i.e., People’s Welfare Administration), were requested to donate food such as eggs, chickens, lard, and other items to welcome their new brothers and sisters, and to share their own cooking and baking with the newcomers so that they would feel at home in their new place of residence.  However, when it was announced that the first transport would arrive in Zerne in 2-3 hours, the leading authorities developed an indescribable stupidity.  They observed with great astonishment that only a few local Serbians complied with the request to donate foodstuffs, and scarcely 10-12 women had appeared to be personal aides at the reception inn.  Also, none of the Serbian men and women appointed to light fires in the stoves of the deserted homes showed up.  All of the planned preparations were unsuccessful.  And why the native Serbians did not participate in the welcoming ceremonies is very
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easy to understand.  First of all:  most of the poorer class had hoped that they themselves would inherit the stolen Schwaben fortunes; and secondly, the Serbian farmers and intelligentsia wanted nothing to do with “Titoism,” for they suspected that all or at least part of their fields and possessions would be expropriated later.
    Later in the evening, after our nightly meal, the Kuljic came to our camp with some partisans and forced about 40 camp people into the referenced houses to light the stoves.  About 15 women had to go immediately to the reception inn in order to cook and serve the meal to the newcomers, and afterwards they even had to accompany them to their assigned houses.
    Then several more transports arrived, and there was intense activity daily as colonists received furniture, bed linens, clothes and food from the warehouses.  Afterwards, cows, horses and pigs were allotted to them.  All of the above-mentioned originated from us Swabians, and the camp folks had to calmly transport things from the warehouses to the houses of the colonists and set up their rooms for them.
    There were even cases where the camp folks had to transport furniture that had once been their very own.  We were constantly occupied with the colonists.  Our camp folks were daily scheduled to teach these dumb people everything, for they had not the faintest idea about farming or how to feed livestock, how to milk a cow, or how to yoke horses to a wagon or plow, for which you really could not blame them for they came from the mountain regions of Bosnia and Montenegro.
    The internment camp in Zerne was closed on March 18, 1946.  Altogether 167 persons, among them 30 younger women and five youths aged 12, were taken into custody as agricultural workers by the National Welfare Administration; the rest of the internees, among them people over age 50, were remitted to Camps Molidorf, St. George and Rudolfsgnad (also according to the statement of M. Kaiser).
    For eight long days we received no cooked meals, not even the children.  Twice during that time 10 decagrams of bread was allotted but nothing else.  Then there was a cooked meal but without salt and without lard.  In the morning there was a hot soup with cornmeal, at noon pea or bean soup without salt and without lard, but there were more black beetles in it than peas or beans. Everything was divided, just like in Zerne.  There
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were Germans in Molidorf from the communities of Modosch, a part of Werschetz, Heufeld, Mastort, Rusko Selo, St. Hubert, Charleville, Soltur, Stefansfeld (Supljaja), Nintschitschewo (Pardan), Molidorf itself, Setschan, and still smaller groups from many other villages.  According to my estimate, there must have been about 7,000, although many had died earlier, especially the Werschetzers, of typhus.  M. M. listed around 68 deaths in the Werschetz group (among them 54 women) from March 18, 1945 to February 28, 1946; according to this list of names (which the witness remarked was not complete), 9 persons died at the end of November; 23 in December; 37 in January; 9 persons in February; 11 were children up to age 14, 22 were persons over age 50.
    People from Zerne were mostly housed in Molidorf stables.  We were allowed to move freely about the village.  All of the people who had been there longer were malnourished, emaciated, the children jaundiced and anemic; one could see the hunger in their eyes.  The greatest number of deaths were from hunger and/or consumption.  The guards were not as malicious towards the people as the commandant himself, a Serbian from the Banat, from Banatski Dvor.  He flogged everyone that he could, usually in the most painful way.  Each morning at 4 o’clock the bells rang to signal the livestock feeders; they rang later for others but never at consistent times.  When they did ring, however, everyone had to be there. Then we were divided respectively to perform the most diverse and unreasonable tasks.
    On February 15, 1946, it had rained and many people did not show up to work.  Therefore, several signals rang.  As soon as the stragglers appeared, however, the commandant himself attacked them with numerous slaps, kicks, etc.  Then 12 women were separated in order to unload food in the neighboring village of Nova Crnja.  When they arrived, their escort left them to themselves and went into the inn in Nova Crnja.  So the women returned alone.  Partisans met them on their way back and instructed them to report to the commandant.  When they reported to him, the commandant punished them by making them do the “Auf und Nieder" ["Up and Down” pushups] in muck and water until they were completely drenched and filthy.  Of course they had no coats beyond what they wore.
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    This apparently was fun for the commandant because on the next day he lined up about 30 women who had not reported for work the previous day.  He led them to puddles, where the water was almost to their knees, and then ordered them to lie down in the water.  They had to lie there about a half hour, without being allowed to rise.  This happened on February 16, 1946, when there was also a frost.  Ten of these women then had to go to work at Nova Crnja in that condition.
    On the way back, two women could go no further toward camp and remained lying where they were.  The next morning they were found dead.  Their kinswomen were allowed to go find them and return them to Molidorf where they were buried.  See also the report of the camp physician at that time, Dr. Heger, printed under No. 53.  Here I must admit that in Molidorf, they were not buried in mass graves, but the dead were buried individually.  There were no coffins, but they were put into a bag or old blanket and buried, so that the gravesites were level with the ground.
    On January 27 I was with my neighbor Katharina Köstner on the way to Nova Crnja.  We wanted to go “moonlight” begging, which was strictly forbidden and punishable by arrest, but hunger drove people to it again and again . . .  So we went out of the camp that night in order to be back to work early in the morning.  On the way, though, Köstner lost her nerve and we turned around halfway.  We had the misfortune, however, that before we could reach the village, a carriage carrying our camp commandant appeared.  He abruptly stopped the carriage and asked us where we were going.  We immediately admitted that we had wanted to go begging for bread, whereupon my companion said in a somewhat nasty tone that only the hungry go begging, that it was not necessary for those who are well fed.  He sent the carriage away and questioned us repeatedly, whether we wanted to run away, etc.  I took some steps, Köstner trudged wearily behind, next to the commandant.  Suddenly I heard a sound, turned around and saw that the commandant was repeatedly punching her in the head.  I continued on my way, heard a shot, turned again, and saw that Mrs. Köstner had collapsed from her wound.  The commandant shouted at me to continue on and commanded the woman to rise and go to the camp.
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Then he shouted at me again to stop.  He came up to me, held the revolver to my face and asked again if I wanted to run away; I denied this and explained that if we had wanted to run away, then we could have done so much more easily from Zerne.  Apparently this made sense to him, and he went to Köstner and ordered her to come to the camp, which she no longer could do.  Then he went to the camp with me and locked me up for four days and four nights as punishment.
    Here there were officially no meals, only water was provided.  The guard, however, took pity on me, brought water heated at the stove, gave me a nice piece of bread, and told me that if anyone asked if I had eaten, I was to answer no as he had given me the bread against orders.  From a “Stražar” (guard) I learned that Mrs. Köstner groaned the whole night through and towards morning died at the place where the commandant had shot her.
    There were some good, sympathetic men among the guards, but they had to be wary of the others.  Our commandant was a downright brute.  I never heard his name.  His left foot was a little shorter and this deformity seemed to make him want to retaliate against us.  It was apparent that he delighted in torturing people.
    On February 16, 1946, 80 women and children were detained because they had been begging.  The women were from Heufeld, Mastort, Werschetz, Molidorf, etc.  The village sentries were apparently informed that on that day many women would go moonlight begging because the women were ambushed as they returned and shot at without warning.  In one instance, a 65-year old woman from St. Hubert was shot and the rest were jailed until the next evening.  Towards evening the commandant had them all line up and practiced two full hours of his popular “Auf-Nieder”, seeking the deepest mud and the largest water puddles.  After two hours they were released to their houses.  Obedience did not give way to insubordination on this occasion, unlike others, since the guards, armed with automatic weapons, would have immediately discouraged any such impulse.
    At the beginning, when I first came into the camp, wheat was still ground and stored in most houses.  It was forbidden.  Yet wheat was found in each house in the village of Molidorf with 
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which we stretched our poor food supply.  As long as there was wheat, we got along reasonably, but when this was confiscated in January and February, along with the remaining corn, then our misery became indescribable.  Hunger drove people so far that they began to catch and eat all the cats in the village.  When I mentioned once that a cat was wandering around near us, someone immediately offered me 30 dinar for it.  (There were some people, those with outside friends of different nationalities, who were secretly supplied with black-market money.)  It got to the point where you could find no more cats in Molidorf.
    These Auf-und-Nieder” stories and the unbearable hunger led me to thoughts of escape.  The commandant’s threat that he would lead us all into two-meter deep water gave me the final impetus.  Also, I had snuck into Zerne in November and learned that my husband and my daughter were in Linz, Austria.
    I made plans with a friend, and we did not tell anyone else.  Certainly many would have gone with us, everyone wanted to get the hell out, but we were silent in order that there would be no questions about our escape.
    On the evening of February 23, 1946, we made our way, by leaving when the guards were at their nightly meal, and arrived on Romanian soil on February 24.  There I worked for relatives until the beginning of June and then went to Linz by moonlight.
    A. I. further reported about conditions in the Molidorf camp; she had initially remained in the Deutsch-Zerne internment camp:  On March 28, 1946, the sick and disabled were selected from the camps in order to be taken to the camp in Molidorf.  Because of my bilious complaints, I reported myself sick and also went to Molidorf.  The elderly and children had already been marched there at Christmas . . .  When we arrived in Molidorf, the camp inmates ran toward us and asked, as if on command, if we had brought along salt, since all their meals, what little they got, were served without it.  We had some salt because we knew for a fact that there was a particular shortage, but nevertheless we had only brought enough for ourselves and had to say no to their
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having some of ours.  We were horrified when we could scarcely recognize our kinsmen, they were so gaunt and famished.  I only recognized my own father after he addressed me.  A few ragged clothes previously owned by our German people, brought along by us at great risk, were soon exchanged with Serbians and a few Hungarians in Molidorf for food.  For example, I got a half-kilogram lard, two kilograms of potatoes and two kilograms flour for a man’s shirt, three kilograms flour for a new towel.
    On April 1, I was assigned as a medical wardress to the patients in the infirmary.  I tended the sick in a room where all seven beds were constantly occupied.  People were mostly ill with consumption and, on average, one of the seven died each day.  When I came to the camp, there were reportedly 6,000 people in the camp.  The number of dead daily averaged 25 to 30.  We had no epidemic, as had prevailed before, when the typhoid fever had raged.  During the typhoid outbreak, most of the victims who died were from Werschetz since they were the first to go to the camp and the most starved.
    The sickroom attendants were ordered to inspect every patient assigned to them, but what good was that!  In each room they saw humans dying.  The infirmary was always overcrowded, and we could admit no more.  In the camp there was also a camp physician, Dr. Steiner, a Jew from Zerne.  One must admit that he tried to do something for the patients, but the possibilities were limited since we only had some aspirin, quinine, coal dust for diarrhea, and a skin ointment for skin diseases.  The usual treatments were cold compresses.  Today I still do not know whether to laugh or cry, because we had to fight nearly every illness with cold compresses.  Here I would like to mention that Dr. Steiner, although he was a Jew, was also dispossessed; even the one piece of furniture he got after his return was confiscated.
    There were no mass graves in Molidorf.  The twenty-four old men assigned as gravediggers were required each evening to have at least twenty graves dug in reserve for the next day, even if they had to work late into the night.  Each corpse was wrapped in old blankets and buried without 
113

ceremony.  There were no formalities such as a wake.  Generally, every corpse had to be buried within two hours of its actual or assumed death.
    When I had nothing else to sell and saw that I had physically declined, that only more meals of peas, barley and stuffier groats were to follow in the infirmary, I decided to escape.  I told my parents, who lay dying, that I could not wait for their death.  In fear that I would no longer be physically capable of escape later, I took my brother’s two children, left Molidorf on June 23, 1946 and went to Hatzfeld in Romania.  On July 12, I arrived with both children in Linz.  (Transcript record:  photostat, July 24, 1946.)

——————◊——————

    In his book, “A People Extinguished,” Leopold Rohrbacher describes conditions after the collapse as follows:

In the Northeastern Banat

Hunt for the German People

    The village of Zerne (Deutsch-Zerne) lay in the northeast of the Yugoslavian Banat.  Approximately 3,000 Germans lived here.  Almost 10,000 Germans lived in the neighboring villages of Molidorf, Tschestelek, Heufeld, Mastort, Hetin, Ruskodorf, among others.
    In the first days of October 1944, Russians had already transferred power to the partisans in Cernje.  Their governance was needlessly savage and bloody.  Gypsies who had their own settlement near Deutsch-Zerne were particularly cruel.  Those gypsies who had always been afraid of work, who envied the extremely industrious Germans whose work brought meaningful prosperity and fortune, presently assumed power along with the Serbians, communists and partisans.  They 
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let the Germans feel their power and exercised much brutality.  They immediately removed every German belonging that pleased them, and if they found a German girl or a German wife desirable, the new masters gave vent to their fury in lustful rage.
    The first German who was killed here was Father Franz Brunet; on October 3, 1944, he was taken from the churchyard and shot by the partisans for no reason at all.  Immediately thereafter, most German men were taken from their houses by partisan detachments.  Many Germans from surrounding villages were also bound and dragged here.  Also a great number of German women were brought from elsewhere to Cernje.  The first to be tortured and killed here were mostly wealthy women and the more intelligent Germans.  After the transports arrived here, they were locked up in two large cellars and held there for weeks.  Usually in the evening hours, groups of the elderly from both cellars were taken and abused and tortured in every possible way by the partisans.  Every partisan or gypsy was now allowed to act out his rage, let German blood flow and break the ribs of German people, hit them in the teeth or possibly even liquidate them.  The number of German civilians who never returned from those tortures to the others in the cellar is overwhelming.  They created a corral in Schinderwiese and would pen them there, like restrained cattle.  Whenever the number of Germans in the cellars declined, they brought in new members of both sexes in order to treat them the same way as those already killed.
    They were particularly ruthless and vile toward German women.  They treated them like indescribable animals.  One evening, a very beautiful woman was among those brought out by the partisans from one of the two cellars.  For a long time she had to endure every possible torture from the partisans.  She was forcefully stripped naked, and when she still did not submit, hot irons were pressed all over her naked body by the lecherous partisans and gypsies.  With deep skin burns over her whole body, she was then pushed down the staircase to the cellar by the partisans.  For two whole days this woman writhed on the ground in agony while her fellow captives watched.  Then finally, after two days, she died in the cellar from her cutaneous burns.
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    On October 8, 1944, a group of high-spirited, drunken partisans invaded the cellar.  Among them was a drunken officer with a submachine gun in his hand.  All the Germans were forced to stand and line up next to each other against the cellar wall.  The drunken officer then fired haphazardly and without cause into the group standing before him.  Immediately many Germans rolled in their own blood.  Some of these, e.g., the farmers Anton Kampf and Josef Maier from Zerne, continued to live in the cellar for a few days— one who was shot in his lung and the other in the knee — without bandages or medical help.  Not until October 12 were they both removed from the cellar and shot.  Meanwhile, the torturing and individual liquidation of the rest of the Germans locked up in the cellar progressed day-by-day, night-by-night without interruption.
    On Sunday, October 22, all the remaining Germans from Zerne who were not yet in the cellars had to dig a large mass grave at Schinderplatz.  It was 25 meters long, 6 meters wide and 3 meters deep.  On Tuesday, October 24, the new village authorities made a public announcement by drumbeat on the streets of Deutsch-and neighboring Serbisch-Zerne that all Germans would be killed.  The Serbian population and gypsies were invited to come to the Schinderplatz to see the Germans publicly massacred.  And it was on this day, at 2 o’clock in the afternoon, that 174 Germans, including 50 women, were bound together with wire and led out from the cellars where they had been held for weeks under constant abuse and disfigured almost beyond recognition.  There they were stripped naked and shot before a crowd of Serbians and gypsies.  The Germans, bound in groups, were forced toward the mass grave, shot, and then shoved into the grave by partisans.  The clothes of the dead were ordered by the new authorities to be sent to Zerne by wagon, sorted and distributed to Serbian and gypsy population.  On the very next day these people strutted around wearing the clothes of the slain German men and women.
    This mass execution was hardly over before the new authorities announced in the streets where Germans still lived that all remaining Germans would be slaughtered that evening.  Armed gypsies 
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ran from house to house and told the remaining German women and girls that they, the gypsies, now had the authoritative power, right and permission of the village to rape and slaughter German women and girls at will.  Not many Germans chose to wait for defilement and subsequent slaughter as announced by the gypsies, especially in view of recent circumstances.  Therefore, in their despair, on the evening of October 24, 1944 in the village of Cernje, no less than 75 decent German human beings, mostly women and girls, took their own lives.  Whole families went voluntarily to their deaths.  Women threw their small children into wells and jumped in after them, other mothers took their children, hung them, and then hung themselves alongside.  Even the old Mayor Peter Stein and his wife Susanne committed suicide.  Johann Goldscheck had been killed as previously described.  His wife and daughter-in-law were raped by gypsies in the presence of two of their children.  Immediately thereafter, all four took their own lives.  The wife of Kaspar Rothenbach, named Eva, the wife of his son Johann, named Maria, and both of their daughters, about 20 and/or 22 years old, were also raped by the gypsies.  Afterwards, all six committed suicide.  They hung themselves in a row in the attic of their house.  These are only some examples.  They illustrate and substantiate how the monstrous new people’s democratic regime, communist partisans and gypsies so atrociously ravaged this village.
    After many more were liquidated in the death cellars of Zerne, where new victims arrived almost daily from surrounding villages, those remaining in the two cellars were brought out on October 25.  There were still 480 Germans alive, including 80 women.  Again they were all tied together with cord and wire and, while being constantly taunted and physically abused, were driven by heavily armed partisans to the adjoining agricultural property of “Julia Major.”  From there they were to be assigned to various types of heavy hard labor.  At every possible opportunity, individually or in groups, still more were killed in the cruelest manner.
117

    Thus, on November 15 and 16, 1944, one hundred Germans were shot at one time.  Among them were 67 farmers from the purely German village of Stefansfeld and 33 Germans from Pardanj.  These shootings were ordered by a Serbian woman, a partisan.  In 1941 her husband, armed only with a handgun, had single-handedly opposed German troops marching into the territory, had shot at them and had fallen in battle.  So his wife now wanted to see the blood flow from one hundred defenseless, unarmed German civilians, and she achieved her purpose.
    Among the German civilians locked up in the cellars were also German refugees from Romania and a German prisoner of war officer named Hans Konrad from Hatzfeld.  This man could not work due to physical injuries he had incurred under torture by the partisans.  For this reason his liquidation was ordered by the partisans.  His wife was also in the camp.  When he was led out to be shot, she left her work group and hurried to him.  She reached him just before they were ready to shoot.  She wrapped herself around him and declared that she did not want to be parted from him.  They were both shot at the same time, although they were not Yugoslavian citizens.  This happened on November 9, 1944.  On the same day, eleven persons altogether were liquidated.  They were mostly the sick and those who had become disabled as a result of abusive injuries.  The order to shoot came from camp commandant Ban. Karadjordjevo.  He had previously shot numerous Germans in Kikinda and later boasted of his actions in “Julia Major.”
    On a cold New Year’s Eve 1944/45, about midnight, all German camp inmates were chased out of their accommodations.  First they were made to stand and wait for a long idle time in the snow and cold weather, then they were ordered by the partisans to do “auf und nieder” in the snow for about an hour.  Whoever did not push up and down fast enough was dreadfully beaten.  Even the women had to take part in these nightly exercises.  A pregnant young German woman named Theresia Moll from Tschestelek, the wife of a German officer from Romania, was forced, despite her Romanian citizenship and referenced condition, to perform the same exercise in the cold and
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snow along with all the other men and women.  Soon after this punishment, she bore a child who died almost immediately.  The partisans justified their persecution because, on that same New Year’s Eve, the radio had broadcast a speech given by a German minister, and for as long as the speech lasted, the defenseless German civilians, men and women, should be subjected to mass torture.  Then, on April 18, 1945, the last Germans who still remained there and in the Zerne village on the Lebel were driven out of their houses and into the concentration camp.  Again in the evening of April 19, 22 old people who could no longer work were selected, driven away from the camp and shot at Schinderplatz without reason or orders, just because they were old and disabled.  Often during the following days, German women and men were taken out at night and killed for no reason.  Many young women also continued to disappear at night.  Most of them are probably buried at the Schinderplatz in Zerne.

——————◊——————

What happened in Zerne?
Analysis of a Dark Chapter


    The well-known 1954 Beatus Streitter novel “Nové,” published by the Stocker publishing house (Graz), is dedicated “to the memory of the girls from Cernje.”  It is for the following reasons:  In the changing days of partisan despotism, indescribable atrocities were committed, mostly by gypsies, in the Banat farming village of Zerne (Cernje).  In order to escape the threatened rapes and continuing executions, altogether 75 Zerne residents committed suicide on October 24, 1944.  The account of these events as presented by Rohrbacher in his book, “A People Extinguished,” is disputed.  What really happened in Zerne?  For clarification of this dark chapter, we ask the fellow countrymen of Zerne to share their position.
    Mrs. Spitz of Los Angeles, who lived in Zerne during that time, sent us a list of names for those from Zerne whom she had personally known to fall victim to suicidal insanity:  Gertrude 
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Goldscheck; Kathi Becker (and two children between the age of three and five years); Peter Stein and wife; Michael Schulz and wife; Nikolaus Gross and wife with daughter Magdalena Grün; Anton Kampf; Anna Kampf (poisoned); Katharina Lischeron (and nine year old child as well as mother née Hoffmann); Franz Konrad and wife; Matthias Bambach and wife; Josef Wirth and wife; Josef Fassbinder; Kaspar Rothenbach and wife; Johann Bothenbach and wife as well as two daughters between the age of eighteen and twenty years; Nikolaus Stiebel; Agathe Kampf and nine year old son as well as mother née Kern; Jakob Stiebel and wife; Therese Hönig and 23 year old daughter; Magdalena Franz and two sons between the age of nine and eleven years; Franziska Franz and eight year old daughter; Johann Hansinger; Anton Weissman; Matthias Kampf and wife (the wife was cut down and is said to have died while fleeing); Josef Hoffmann and wife with two children (the children are said to have been rescued from the well).

(Published in “Neuland” on November 16, 1932)

——————◊——————
People Lost Due to World War II

Died in Deutsch-Zerne Camp:

Josef Kampf         

House No.    
House No.     

Siebold  Janka,  Professor,  Juliam,
Stiebel  Eva
Tines  Anna
Hipfel  Barbara
Koch,  merchant's wife
Spengler  Josef
Kremer  Paula
Konrad  Anna
Henika  Matthias
Kreps  Margit
Fischer  Josef
Tabar  Matthias
Tabar  Elisabeth,  née  Schleimer
Kampf  Michael

Weiss  Peter
Hoffmann  Maria
Spengler  Michael
Spengler  Antonia
Schulz  Anton
Lenner  Illesch,  child
Schweininger  Toni,  child
Kampf  Johann,  child
Frank  Johann
Turn  Johann
Hoffmann  Katharina
Sterz  Peter
Bockmüller  Nikolaus



747

  33







Serbisch-Zerne
120
Shot at Deutsch-Zerne Camp:

House No.    
House No.      

Kleefass  Josef
Bremer  Maria,  née  Retzler
Bockmüller  Klara,  née  Lösch
Köstner  Katharina
120
236
  15
395
Weiss  Josef
Dolwig  Margaretha
Rausch  Anna,  née  Theiss
  69
394
  44
Died in Kathreinfeld Camp:

House No.     House No.      
Wilms  Georg
Tabar  Elisabeth,  née  Kremer
Bambach  Lina
Bäcker  Therese
Baron  Margarethe
Kutschera  Nikolaus
Lösch  Barbara
Spiess  Martin
Spengler  Anna
Weron  Christina
Stuprich  Magda
Stuprich  Magda
Tines  Elisabeth
Rohr  Elisabeth
Rothenbach  Nani
Steigerwald  Matthias and wife
Bambach  Kathi
Kron  Johann
Spengler  Anna
Paul  Susanna
Sentesch  Katharina








    6
  10
  19
  59
  86
122
  76
396
208

275
221
Wilms  Elisabeth
Tabar  Maria
Spitz,  Sr.  and  wife
Tillschneider,  Sr.  and  wife
Tines  Therese
Steigerwald  Franziska
Tillschneider  Maria
Jost  Kathi
Stiebel  Gertraud
Simnaler  Barbara
Kathrein  Anna
Schleimer  Elisabeth
Stuprich  Franz  and  wife
Bambach  Maria
Bach  Margaretha
Fromari  Maria
Stiebel  Getraud
Schmidt  Josef  and  wife
Fraunhoffer  Anna
Bockmüller  Katharina
Fromari  Barbara
  48
  66
114
144
394
   71
215
222
248
   215/a
223
249
267
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
248
251
276
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Schleimer  Lina, Sr.
Tabar  Kristina
Quint  Maria
Rausch  Anna

Serbisch-Zerne
  12
    8
Bischof  Nikolaus  (condemned to death and shot in Gross-Betschkerek)
Died in Rudolfsgnad Camp:

Steigerwald  Josef
Stiebel  Anna
Engels  Lorenz
Stuprich  Nikolaus  (Kaschau)
Bischof  Eva
Kampf  Magdalena
Retzler  Fritz

Brandecker  Magda
Stuprich  Johann
Weber  Josef
Schleimer  Peter  (Schmidts  Phitt)
Engels  Magdalena
Weissmann  Anna
Stuprich  Franz

121
Died in Molidorf Camp:

Date of Death      

Date of Death      
Schweininger  Margit
Mayer  Anton
Stankowitsch  Johann
Wolf  Michael
Walter  Johann
Köstner  Katharina
König  Elisabeth
Tabar  Josef
Tabar  Anton
Diwo  Franziska
Weissmann  Katharina  (child)
Stiebel  Adelheid  (child)
Bungart  Anna  (child)
Bodwen  Johann
Brenner  Matthias
Steigerwald  Magda
Tillschneider  Juri
Bell  Michael
Stiebel  Magda
Dolwig  Anna  (child)
Bauhof  Maria
Rothenbach  Katharina
Bambach  Elisabeth  (child)
Serwo  Johann
Noel  Elisabeth  (child)
Pape  Maria
Stuprich  Magdalena
Bernat  Anna
Lauer  Johann
König  Johann  (child)
Kaisere  Therese
Fendt  Josef
Ackermann  Anna
Henika  Franz
Bischof  Anna
Linster  Katharina
Recktenwald  Barbara
Sedlak  Jakob
Rothenbach  Elisabeth
Schuld  Josef  (child)
Wilms  Elisabeth
Gerhardt  Berta
  5
10
10
11
20
28
31
  2
  4
  6
11
20
24
30
  2
  4
10
16
17
17
24
26
27
28
  2
  2
  3
  4
  7
13
16
18
19
21
23
24
23
  2
  7
  8
  9
  9
Jan
Jan
Jan
Jan
Jan
Jan
Jan
Feb
Feb
Feb
Feb
Feb
Feb
Feb
Mar
Mar
Mar
Mar
Mar
Mar
Mar
Mar
Mar
Mar
Apr
Apr
Apr
Apr
Apr
Apr
Apr
Apr
Apr
Apr
Apr
Apr
Apr
May
May
May
May
May
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
Kirsch  Lina
Konrad  Johann
Willing  Johann  (child)
Schleimer  Johann
Schulz  Katharina
Ludwig  Johann  (child)
Roth  Katharina
Mayer  Josef
Schleimer  Emma
Weissmann  Katharina
Kremer  Christina
Weissmann  Gertrud
Weissmann  Elisabeth  (Stiebel)
Schweininger  Franz
Schweininger  Peter
Wolf  Franziska
Schäfer  Johann
Weissmann  Christina
Kampf  Anna
Schmidt  Anna  (child)
Wolf  Franziska  (child)
Schmidt  Anna
Weber  Magda
Bockmüller  Katharina
Retzler  Berta
Wegesser  Anna  (child)
Neurohr  Katharina
Hoffmann  Josef
Christoph  Franz
Bischof  Josef  (child)
Lischeron  Nikolaus
Mayer  Emilie
Kampf  Pepi
Wilms  Maria
Neurohr  Eva
Kowatsch  Lina
Spuhler  Katharina
Hoffmann  Elisabeth
Koch  Andreas  (child)
Steigerwald  Wavi
Bambach  Katharina
Kremer  Christina
13
17
13
  3
  8
10
12
19
25
28
29
30
  1
  1
  2
  2
  4
  7
  8
10
12
12
17
19
19
20
20
21
21
22
24
27
31
  1
  1
  7
10
10
11
12
12
14
May
May
May
Jun
Jun
Jun
Jun
Jun
Jun
Jun
Jun
Jun
Jul
Jul
Jul
Jul
Jul
Jul
Jul
Jul
Jul
Jul
Jul
Jul
Jul
Jul
Jul
Jul
Jul
Jul
Jul
Jul
Jul
Aug
Aug
Aug
Aug
Aug
Aug
Aug
Aug
Aug
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
122
Date of Death      

Date of Death      
Ludwig  Anton
Theiss  Nikolaus
Schleimer  Katharina
Turn  Elisabeth
Rebel  Katharina
Stuprich  Elisabeth
Fendt  Leni
Weissmann  Anton
Engels  Anna
Hoffmann  Barbara
Kathrein  Ann
Diwo  Magda
Stuprich  Maria
Steigerwald  Anton
Walter  Susi
Schulz  Anna  (Dickhanes)
Fessel  Katharina
Weissmann  Elisabeth  (Frank)
Theiss  Michael
Rothenbach  Sophie
Rebel  Matthias  (child)
Mesarosch  Katharina
Weber  Katharina
Fessel  Nikolaus
Schleimer  Elisabeth
Amschlinger  Elisabeth
Weron  Matthias  (child)
Kathrein  Katharina
Recktenwald  Rosi  (child)
Stuprich  Franz  (child)
Engels  Peter  (child)
Koch  Stefan
Habel  Anna
Winter  Anton
Stiebel  Hans  (child)
Tabar  Magda
Mayer  Barbara
Lischeron  Anna
Bischof  Gertrud
Sedlak  Bertl  (child)
Mayer  Sophie
Kutschera  Eva
Weissmann  Elisabeth  (Motzel)
Tides  Christina
15
17
26
27
29
  1
  1
  2
  5
  6
  7
10
12
18
19
  1
  6
10
10
11
15
17
17
21
26
26
26
26
27
17
17
31
  3
  6
  7
11
15
20
27
28
29
29
29
  1
Aug
Aug
Aug
Aug
Aug
Sep
Sep
Sep
Sep
Sep
Sep
Sep
Sep
Sep
Sep
Oct
Oct
Oct
Oct
Oct
Oct
Oct
Oct
Oct
Oct
Oct
Oct
Oct
Oct
Oct
Oct
Oct
Oct
Nov
Nov
Nov
Nov
Nov
Nov
Nov
Nov
Nov
Nov
Dec
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
Koch  Anna
Sentesch  Maria
Ginari  Katharina
Sweininger  Lina
Diwo  Maria
Anschlinger
Bischof  Gertrud
Rothenbach  Katharina
Habel  Anton  (child)
Weissmann  Johann
Kleefass  Elisabeth
Neger  Maria
König  Susi
Schleimer  Leni
Koch  Elisabeth
Neurohr  Barbara
Bauhof  Paula  (child)
Walter  Maria
Schulz  Susanna
Schulz  Katharina
Fessel  Anton
Bohr  Barbara  (child)
Mayer  Martin
Weissmann  Elisabeth
Weissmann  Johann
Grün  Franz
Rebel  Katharina
Maus  Paula  (child)
Kremer  Anna
Habel  Johann  (child)
Noll  Franz
Weissmann  Maria
König  Katharina
Bambach  Christina
Becker  Johann
Kremer  Anna,  schoolmaster's wife
Winter  Anton  (child)
Hüpfel  Johann  (child)
Bischof  Susanna
Schulz  Johann
Seppelfeld  Anton
Mayer  Anna
Recktenwald  Anna
Tabar  Katharina
  2
  4
  4
  5
  6
  7
  9
  9
  9
10
10
14
14
17
17
20
20
21
23
23
24
26
27
31
31
  7
13
14
16
20
23
27
29
30
31
  9
14
14
26
  1
  1
  6
  9
15
Dec
Dec
Dec
Dec
Dec
Dec
Dec
Dec
Dec
Dec
Dec
Dec
Dec
Dec
Dec
Dec
Dec
Dec
Dec
Dec
Dec
Dec
Dec
Dec
Dec
Jan
Jan
Jan
Jan
Jan
Jan
Jan
Jan
Jan
Jan
Feb
Feb
Feb
Feb
Mar
Mar
Mar
Mar
Mar
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1946
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
123
Date of Death      

Date of Death      
Sensendorf  Barbara
Hoffmann  Anna
Kampf  Anna
Feuerholz  Nikolaus
Stiebel  Johann
Rohr  Elisabeth
Schmidt  Elisabeth
Martin  Michael
Kampf  Matthias
Weselak  Peter
Schweininger  Susanna
Engels  Eva
Kampf  Nikolaus
Hoffman  Johann
Rebel  Barbara
Bauhof  Fanny
Bodwen  Getraud
18
22
24
27
28
29
30
30
30
  1
  4
  6
14
14
15
  3
  4
Mar
Mar
Mar
Mar
Mar
Mar
Mar
Mar
Mar
Apr
Apr
Apr
Apr
Apr
Apr
May
Apr
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
Sentesch  Jakob
Kreiter  Anna
Juraschitz  Matthias
Zapletan  Frieda
Neumayer  Magda
Kleefass  Elisabeth
Michaels  Franz
Feuerholz  Gretel
Bockmüller  Katharina
Maul  Franziska
Stankowitsch  Franz
Temari  Elisabeth
Stankowitsch  Maria
Fendt  Eva
Konrad  Angela
Kotre  Eva
  6
10
17
18
18
28
28
29
31
May
May
May
May
May
May
May
May
May
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947

Died in Gakovo Camp:


Date of Death      

Date of Death      
Bodwen  Anna
Ludwig  Regina
Roth  Elisabeth
Noel  Katharina
Nähr  Anton
Roth  Philipp
Stiebel  Anton
Becker  Katharina
Wilms  Elisabeth
Serwo  Matthias
Kampf  Josef
Weissmann  Maria
Wolf  Anna
Kampf  Michael
  6
  7
11
13
13
16
20
  3
  6
17
26
28
  6
  7
Jun
Jun
Jun
Jun
Jun
Jun
Jun
Jul
Jul
Aug
Aug
Aug
Sep
Sep
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
Heinrich  Katharina
Sensendorf  Hans
Fendt  Magdalena
Lesch  Anna
Mayer  Anna
Schmidt  Peter
Hollerbach  Barbara
Nicka  Karolina
Brumm  Gertrud
Tabar  Eva
Hemmert  Katharina
Tabar  Anton
Spengler  Irma
Kampf  Anna
  8
21
24
12
12
20
29
  2
10
15
21
  9
  8
15
Sep
Sep
Sep
Oct
Oct
Oct
Oct
Nov
Nov
Nov
Nov
Dec
Jan
Jan
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1947
1948
1948

Died in Mitrovica Camp
Between December 15, 1945 and March 1946:


Hüpfel  Maria  and  daughter
Rebel  Anna
Frauenhoffer  Susi

Kampf  Anna,  Klära
Frauenhoffer  Maria
Steigerwald  Magdalena
and  two  adult  daughters

124
The Honor Roll in World War 2:
House No.   
House No.      
Spengler  Anton
Spengler  Josef
Weron  Matthias
Schuld  Michael
Kampf  Anton  (Klära)
Gross  Nikolaus
Weissmann  Matthias
Paul  Michael
Engels  Johann
Wilms  Michael
Mayer  Josef
Fassbinder  Sepp,  wife  and  son
Schulz  Johann
Katharina  Peter
Bockmüller  Jakob  (Schuster)
Kotre  Paul
    6
z  6
  10
  14
344
  22
  24
  26
377
  48
  91
139
179


Serbisch-Zerne
Schleimer  Matthias
Schummer  Peter
Lukonitsch  Johann
Lukonitsch  Michael
Kampf  Matthias
Stuprich  Josef
Steigerwald  Josef
Steigerwald  Johann
Spengler  Matthias
Oberst  Johann
Martin  Anton
Lösch  Matthias
Feuerholz  Matthias
Feuerholz  Michael
Schulz  Peter
Neumayer  Johann  (Luy)
219
231
253
253
Serbisch-Zerne
267
283
283
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
  43

The Missing in World War 2:
House No.   
House No.      
Becker  Johann
Hergott  Nikolaus
Kremer  Johann
Franz  Peter
Wilms  Adolf
Schäfer  Johann
Kampf  Johann,  barber
Schulz  Johann
Neumayer  Anton
König  Josef
Tabar  Anton
Stein  Peter
Tabar  Johann
Schillinger  Johann,  Jr.
Bockmüller  Michael
Konrad  Michael
Jung  Johann
Recktenwald  Josef
Mayer  Johann
Grün  Matthias
Schmidt  Gustav
Frauenhoffer  Nikolaus
Stuprich  Nikolaus
    1
    9
  20
  80
  31
  32
  34
  53
  57
  63
  81
  86
  93
104
126
155
173
177
180
Serbisch-Zerne
186
193
198
Krach  Johann
Noel  bei  Kathrein
Krisch  Nikolaus
Weissmann  Martin
Beck  Peter
Schmidt  Peter
Stiebel  Anton
Schweininger  Josef
Tabar  Matthias,  Jr.
Kirsch  Johann
Schäfer  Matthias
Schweininger  Anton
Petri  Josef,  Jr.
Recktenwald  Nikolaus,  barber
König  Matthias,  Jr.
Sensendorf  Martin
Weissmann  Martin
Wichnal  Josef
Weissmann  Christoph
Blatt  Matthias
Oberst  Josef
Rebel  Johann
Schmidt  Michael
199
200
203
352
206
232
248
252
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
257
259
262
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
125
House No.   
House No.      
Schuld  Josef
Kremer  Matthias
Brenner  Wilhelm
Ginali  Johann
Wolf  Johann
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Wolf  Peter
Fischer  Josef
Bodwen  Johann
Tabar  Josef
Kotre  Josef
Serbisch-Zerne
301
310
140
Serbisch-Zerne

Died in Sankt Georg Camp:
Franz  Anton




Died in Kikinda Camp:
Kotre  Johann




Died in Bor Camp:
König  Magdalena  and  two  children



The Kidnapped Who Died in Russia:
Blatt  Maria
Fechter  Magdalena
Schummer  Elisabeth
Kathrein  Katharina

Bambach  Elisabeth
Lehn  Jakob
Retzler  Peter

Paul  Anna  died  on  the  journey  home  to  Germany
Kampf  Friedrich  died  on  the  journey  home  to  Frankfurt  (Oder).

Men Over Age 70:
House No.   
House No.      
Rausch  Peter
Quint  Michael
Weber  Johann
Wolf  Nikolaus
Weissmann  Josef
Weissmann  Johann
Tillschneider  Georg
Rothenbach  Josef
Sentesch  Jakob
Krach  Peter
Weiss  Anton
    8
  12
  30
371
378
  55
144
176
Serbisch-Zerne
246
268
Bockmüller  Josef
Oberst  Wenzel
Krettler  Josef
Konrad  Franz
Weissmann  Johann
Lauer  Johann
Weissmann  Martin
Schleimer  Philipp
Kampf  Hans  (Kläre)
Tabar  Michael  (Theiss)
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
311

The Following Persons Despaired in October 1944
in Deutsch-Zerne and Ended Their Lives by Hanging:

Goldscheck  Gertrud
Becker  Katharina
Becker  Anna
Becker  Rosalia
Kampf  Johann
Gross  Nikolaus
126

Gross  Christine
Grün  Magdalena
Hoffmann  Barbara
Lischeron  Katharina
Lischeron  Katharina
Schulz  Michael
Schulz  Elisabeth
Stein  Peter,  Mayor
Stein  Susanna
Wirth  Josef
Wirth  Margaretha
Franz  Magdalena
Fanz  Kaspar
Franz  Josef
Hönig  Theresia
Hönig  Theresia
Kampf  Agatha
Kampf  Nikolaus
Wagner  Josef
Maul  Johann
Neurohr  Elisabeth
Konrad  Franz
Konrad  Gertrud
Fassbinder  Josef
Rothenbach  Kaspar
Rothenbach  Eva
Rothenbach  Johann
Rothenbach  Maria
Rothenbach  Susanna
Bambach  Matthias
Bambach  Josefine
Weissmann  Anton
Stiebel  Jakob
Stiebel  Berta
Kampf  Anton
Bischof  Eva
Bischof  Franziska
Hansinger  Josef
Stiebel  Nikolaus
Kern  Magdalena
Mayer  Barbara
Csitcsko  Anna
Rothenbach  Maria
Pruschmann
Schleimer  Nikolaus,  merchant  in
Kathreinfeld
Bambach  Anton  in  Kathreinfeld

The Following Persons Poisoned Themselves:
Tabar  Matthias
Schleimer  Anna

The Following Persons were Killed on October 24, 1944,
Shot at 3 O'Clock
in the Afternoon at Schinderplatz,
and Thrown into a Mass Grave:
House No.   
House No.      
Brunet  Franz,  clergyman
Kremer  Michael,  schoolmaster
Kremer  Anton,  Mayor
Goldscheck  Johann
Kampf  Peter
Till  Anton
Kausch  Philipp
Krach  Martin
Tines  Nikolaus
Wirth  Franz
Steigerwald  Peter
Bischof  Johann
Stiebel  Johann
191
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
    1
  21
  27
  50
  26
  83
107
Serbisch-Zerne
115
125
 
Weissmann  Josef
Hoffmann  Josef
Stiebel  Nikolaus
Schulz  Michael
Neumayer  Nikolaus
Schweininger  Peter
Schillinger  Karolina
Fendt  Nikolaus
Spitz  Josef
Wirth  Josef
Grün  Matthias
Brumm  Jakob
Bischof  Stefan
    4
  23
  46
  53
  74
  85
104
108
114
122
350
135
157
127

Schulz  Heinrich
Eichmüller  Josef
Mayer  Josef
Weissmann  Peter,  Sr.
Tabar  Anna
Weber  Friedrich,  shoemaker
Getsch  Johann
Jost  Johann
Hepp  Sophie
Retzler  Johann
Mayer  Michael
Amschlinger  Nikolaus
Petri  Josef
Schmidt  Johann
Schulz  Anton
Hoffmann  Josef
Franz  Matthias
König  Nikolaus
Dekreon  Josef,  leatherworker
Wurmlinger  Michael
Kanton  Friedrich
Kern  Peter,  Sr.,  wagoner
Kampf  Nikolaus,  merchant
Engels  Josef
Kalesa  Peter,  locksmith
Neurohr
Fechter  Josef
Heschel  Karl
132
151
169
184
192
206
217
222
245
236
256
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
258
262
268
279
Serbisch-Zerne
271
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Köstner  Peter
Frauenhoffer  Josef
Schleimer  Matthias
Fendt  Anton,  shoemaker
Fendt  Johann,  shoemaker
Dolwig  Jakob
Stiebel  Magdalena
Tabar  Matthias,  barber
Tillschneider  Karolina
Stiebel  Anton
Tabar  Nikolaus
Goldscheck  Josef
Rauscher  Anton
Maurus  Matthias
Koch  Sophie,  midwife
Koch  Andor
Hoffmann  Josef,  locksmith
Kern  Peter,  Jr.
Ludwig  Anton
Spengler  Matthias
Kretler  Anton,  windmiller
Bach  Lajos,  mailman
Tides  Heinrich
Kreiter  Peter
Wolf  Josef-Julia
Bockmüller  Michael
Hoffmann  Franz
Bischof  Johann
393
331
219
228
Serbisch-Zerne
256
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
260
273
274
284
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
390
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne
Serbisch-Zerne


Serbisch-Zerne
——————◊——————
Momentous Decision

    The preceding contributions give us a picture of what inhumane suffering our people endured at the end of the war and afterwards.  Hunger, destitution, and death were their constant companions.  Fiends, robbers, thieves and murderers who were driven by hate, revenge, and greed determined their fate.  Therefore, it soon became clear to our people that there would never be good times for them in the homeland again, and their lives could only end by lingering illness or violent death.  Sick, weak, and drained of despair, they now sought a way out, to flee from this hell and its minions.  There could only be one way, to escape.  It was a life and death risk.  They knew
128

that the route would be long, dangerous and far.  If they were captured, they would be subjected to inhuman tortures or simply shot.  Nevertheless, it had to be dared!  Secretly, they tied their remaining shabby belongings into a bundle and waited for a favorable opportunity.  When the right moment came, they turned their weighty resolution into action.  With one hand on the bundle and the other on the children — provided that the little ones had not been placed in another camp — many mothers set out toward the unknown during the night and fog, often in extremely cold weather.  Their companions were their old, weak parents.  If they could not travel far into the long journey, they had to be left to their fate with a heavy heart.  A truly harrowing situation!
    If they reached their first goal, which was to cross the border, they could finally sigh with relief, but the unknown future, the fate of their beloved spouses, the lot of parents and relatives left behind, would not let them rest.  Was the husband, the father, still alive?  Would they ever see each other again?  These fearful questions remained unanswered.  To be taken in by good people, perhaps by relatives, allowed momentary relief, but it could not be the final solution.  Scarcely had the excitement, fear, and shock of the past few days subsided, when the demands and obligations of life became apparent.  They could not allow these people who received them to carry the entire burden, so they had to strive to become responsible for their own subsistence.  Even if they found work and could provide for their own needs to at least some extent, they were still in constant danger of being traced by the occupation forces or authorities of their respective countries, and perhaps even deported back to their homeland.  The mere thought of it called to mind all the martyrdom and suffering, deprivation and harassment.  These concerns and agitations had no end, driving the fugitives to flee even further away.  During sleepless nights, all imaginable possibilities were pondered, examined, rejected, and then reconsidered, until they finally resolved to continue on their way to Austria or Germany, where they hoped to find a permanent home.
129

    This was a difficult undertaking because their existing means were not even enough for the journey, let alone for guides to cross the border.  Wide distances along the way meant that a few days or weeks of rest must be taken during the journey in order to acquire new means to travel further.  Thus, their last usable belongings and valuables — if they still had any — were sacrificed for this purpose.  If their luck held, they arrived at their destination after extreme exertion and privation; however, those who were followed by misfortune were often imprisoned for weeks before they reached their goal.  Those who successfully completed the long, difficult journey – and that was ten thousand of our countrymen – landed in a camp or on a farm in the country.  They were now free from worry about living day and night with the fear and anxiety of falling into the hands of the minions from Hell.
    The conditions here were also bad.  The countries had been devastated by the war, cities lay in rubble and ash, traffic was paralyzed.  Housing shortages, misery, and lack of all necessities also prevailed here.  But it must be said, with acceptance and gratitude, that the people and public authorities of the countries of refuge undertook every effort that was humanly possible to overcome the disaster.  Local and foreign charitable organizations gradually stepped in.  Slowly but steadily, order was applied to the chaos caused by the war.  After years of severe adversity and deprivation, improvements began to appear.  Life began to normalize; by the most diverse connections, they began to contact relatives, acquaintances, friends, neighbors, and fellow countrymen.  They exchanged messages and experiences, became acquainted with the fate of their loved ones.  The Red Cross and various search agencies carried out work that can hardly be overlooked.  Because of their beneficial operations, many families were reunited.  They even provided certainty as to the fate of prisoners of war, husbands, fathers, and brothers.  Meetings of village and homeland associations also conveyed this.  Many received positive, joyful news, but so many others experienced bitter disappointment because they had to finally acknowledge the loss of 
130

one or more loved ones.  Prisoners of war returned home and were gradually reunited with wives, children, and parents — if they were all still alive — often after many years of absence, and could celebrate the happy reunion.
    However, life with its inexorable demands, the difficulties of everyday life, again surfaced.  Everyone expressed the same question and concern:  How should they face the future?  Their prospects were only somewhat promising.  Where and how could one best develop a new livelihood?  What can the grown children expect from the future?  Plans were considered and rejected until they found a final resolution.  Many saw a future in their country of refuge; others considered emigrating overseas where relatives or friends encouraged the possibility.  Here it should be mentioned that our overseas friends and countrymen, during the time that we suffered privations and loss — either personally or by means of their organizations — supported and attempted with energetic assistance of every kind to alleviate our distress, for which they are entitled to our utmost thanks.
    The decisions of our countrymen resulted in the fact that we found new homelands, scattered today among many countries of the world, and built a new way of life.  It cost much work, sacrifice, sweat and labor to master this task.  The effort absorbed our entire strength and brought us respect and appreciation everywhere we established ourselves.  The most important countries for our countrymen are:

1.    Federal Republic of Germany (207 families).  Especially:  Munich area (Karlsfeld), Bodensee region (Tettnang), Baden-Württemberg, Rheinland-Pfalz, Nordrhein-Westfalen, Hessen, Niedersachsen.
2.    Austria (124 families).  Especially:  Linz, Vienna, Wels, Salzburg.
3.    U.S.A. (217 families).  Especially:  Chicago (Illinois), Cleveland, Cincinnati (Ohio), Philadelphia (Pennsylvania), Detroit (Michigan), California, New York, New Jersey.
4.    Canada (44 families).  Waterloo, Kitchener (Ontario).
5.    Argentina (67 families).
6.    Other lands (14 families).

    Despite the pride we feel each time we learn what joyful progress our countrymen have made, and how they brought respect and prosperity everywhere they settled, we are also overcome with quiet nostalgia at the memory of bygone days.  Our countryman, Nikolaus Kampf (Kläre Klos), 
131

gave the expression “Schreiwes” new meaning in 1971.  He describes the changing of our times in his own dry, humorous way, and with a kind of easy, implied irony as follows:
Because I have no clue about politics,
I will just write what I have figured out so far,
I always like to read the “Neuland,”
Though it contains nothing about Zerne –
It is still my former home town.
We are now all scattered far and wide
And so I like to read about my own countrymen.
The countrymen’s visits have become ever fewer,
Even the sparrows on the roof sing of this.
But 20 years ago, when everyone was poor,
We liked to save our last penny to travel there,
At that time, they said that we had only to show unity,
That we should let ourselves be heard at all the borders.
Many said it made no sense to go for the meetings,
Because no one knew who we were.
And we must save our money
Because we want to go on vacation abroad.
If I wanted to get a little plastered on vacation,
But still spend a small amount of money,
Then I’d travel back to my homeland
And invite myself in.
——————◊——————

Homeland, Politics and Our Destiny

    What is a homeland?  This term is difficult to determine or define.  We understand homeland to be the parental home, the place where we were born, where our cradle stood, where our first words were spoken while in our mother’s lap, where we dared to take our first steps, where, from within the circle of family and beyond, we experienced youthful bliss.  Homeland is where we lived, worked, played, where we felt safe even as victims, for we were  ready at any time to lay our lives on the line.  To us, the homeland is something precious , the place we love, whose wellbeing we fear for.
132

    Each person has a homeland to be proud of.  By a merciless and cruel fate, this possession was taken from us.  There were two peoples who questioned our right of domicile and made it a contentious matter in the course of history:  Hungarians and Serbians.  Were they right?
    In the ninth century, Hungarians took possession of the country within the area of the Carpathians.  They were a warlike people who undertook looting expeditions into neighboring nations, attacked and robbed them, and returned home enriched with their booty.  In the beginning, the attacked were no match for the lightning raids of these horsemen.  However, there soon came a time when neighboring peoples — particularly Germans — taught them to successfully defend themselves and inflict devastating defeats.  Thus the Hungarians came to deliberate and gradually adapt to their neighbors’ way of life, and were converted to Christianity.  Along with Christianity they were gradually introduced to the western way of life.  Soon their first king, Stefan the Holy, invited Germans to his country.  There should be people with different trades and occidental cultures introduced.  His wife was Gisela, a Bavarian princess, who fully supported and encouraged him.  Their people came under the sphere of western peoples.  Several times in the course of Hungarian history (Géza II, Béla IV), German settlers were invited to the country to train the people in various trades (mining industry) and handicrafts.  It was Germans who built the first cities and administered them according to the laws of their native towns.  The kings conferred special rights and privileges to them, which made it possible for them to lead lives just as in their motherland.  In this way, they became the instructors of the Hungarian people (Zipser, Siebenbürg Saxons).  In the year 1526 the Hungarian army was totally destroyed by the Turks at Mohács.  King Ludwig II, most of the aristocracy, and the upper ranks of the clergy were killed on the battlefield.  The remaining nobility was divided after the dreadful event and selected two kings, a Hungarian and the Hapsburger Ferdinand.  While inner conflicts ravaged the country, the Turks conquered nearly all of Hungary and advanced to Vienna.  The entire Western civilization and Christianity along with it were endangered.  In the crucial battle at Vienna (1683), the Turks were defeated and eventually forced out of Hungary.  Who freed this country?  It was German armies under the supreme command of Prince Eugen, by order of its emperor and the king of Hungary, 
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who achieved this task.  The Hungarians were much too weak for it, and only a small fraction of them followed the liberating army.  Settlement of the country followed the liberation.  After enduring nearly two hundred years of Turkish rule, there was no population.  Germans were again mainly consulted.  The short history of settlement can be reread in other places; in the old Banater language, it can be summarized:  “The first found death, the second fought adversity, only the third had bread.”
    Initially after settlement, the territory remained under the protection of the emperor.  After compromising with the Hungarians, it was annexed to Hungary.  As long as the Banat was under the protection of the emperor, our national security ensured that special rights were bestowed on us since our settlement was actually just a part of the resettlement from the western portion of the emperor’s domain into the eastern part.  With the advent of the compromise with Hungary, however, we were claimed by political cunning.  We were simply sacrificed and forgotten in the large scheme of things.
    We were separated from the motherland.  When the Mackensen army was relocated into the Banat and war operations against Serbia began in World War I, not just simple soldiers but also high-ranking officers — who one might expect to know of our existence — were joyfully surprised and astonished to find flourishing German cities and villages here.  Unfortunately for us, that was a sad but true statement.  Adam Müller-Guttenbrunn expressed it this way:
“There burns a pain, as a child’s tears burn,
when parents’ hearts are stiff and unkind.
Oh, that worlds separate us from the motherland,
And we are just strangers  in our native land.
Still the ancient home bells ring for us,
The bells of our fathers, true and chaste,
But the storm devours their blessed rejoicing,
And flash upon flash ruins the light of peace…”

    When the Hungarians first began to rule, they aspired by all means to advance Magyarization.  Unfortunately, they only succeeded in winning by temptations and seeking privileges for themselves.  They gave up their German names, their nationality, and their native language and
134

professed themselves to be Magyar (Magyaronen).  Shortly before World War I, I myself began to feel a national movement, first in Werschetz and surrounding areas and Pantschowa.  But the greater awakening took place only after World War I was over.  Adam Müller-Guttenbrunn wrote the following lines about the situation before the turn of the [19th] century:
“Who accuse the Schwaben as foreign to Hungary?
Here before them ruled the Turks, the Tatar,
They count as valid gentlemen on their earth,
Are citizens here and not your guests, Magyar!
They have bled in Prince Eugen’s armies,
Expelled the foe, that here in our country dwelt.
Your own King called to them once in honor:
Plow my soil, brave Schwaben fist!”

    The Treaty of Versailles terminated the first World War.  This was a treaty dictated out of blindness and hatred that by its very terms carried the germ of World War II. They crippled a great power that had played a prominent role in Europe for centuries just to satisfy the will of a few, crude politicians.  They decided the fate of many peoples, crushed the proof of their worth, and replaced it with guilt.  Today they are anxious and eager to unite Europe, not only economically (EWG), but also politically, so that it may then become a native country for many peoples.  Is that not what Austria-Hungary was, and was not our Banat a small image of Austria-Hungary?  Only foolishness could shatter it and replace it with the rule of such people who had never played a significant political role in the course of history.
    At the end of World War I, our fate was handed over to Serbia, who could exist only with the support of Russia and France, and today Yugoslavia also exists in such a way that, depending upon the political climate, it now borrows from the East, then from the West.  The political megalomania of these people, who were the direct cause for the outbreak of World War I, can never provide historical grounds to claim our presence in the Banat as illegal because of the special autonomous rights we possess, conferred by German emperors as well as Hungarian kings.
    At the beginning of their exercise of power, the Serbians presided with mildness.  They approved our mother tongue as the language of instruction in the schools, and a Culture League was approved, even promoted.  That served the purpose, however, of separating the Germans 
135

from the Hungarians because a union between these two peoples would have made the Serbians a minority in the Banat.  As long as these two lived in discord, the Serbians had time to stabilize conditions.  The first warning signs of what the Serbians intended for us were at the peace talks.  They wanted to have the territory assigned to them, but probably not the population.  That was not successful for them, but their plan continued to exist.  After the peace treaty was signed, they gradually changed their behavior, and their insidious game openly came to light.
    In the cause of agrarian reform, they expropriated the [Csekonics] estate on which thousands of minority families (German, Hungarian, etc.) earned their means of livelihood.  This was exclusively distributed to Serbian war volunteers (Dobrovoljacen) and other Serbians.  Thus, the livelihood for the families of national minorities was eliminated , and the Serbian element was strengthened.
    The second measure was to remove the expert and proven civil servants from Hungarian times and replace them with their people, who had no basic technical knowledge.  The few old officials who were left in their positions were allowed to do their work, but the new people spied on them, denounced them, exploited them, and campaigned for the governing party in each case, whereby they need not hesitate to use threats and harassment.  Police were even emplaced to aid the oppression.
    In our preferential status, we were allowed to pay more and higher taxes than the Serbians.
    The Culture League, which they had authorized, was dissolved immediately, its property was seized, and its leaders were incredibly tormented.  German delegates were even flogged on their way through the Serbian mob to vote, their meetings disrupted and dissolved.  Their delegates issued an insulting speech prohibition.  On election days they broke the windows of the German populace.  Conditions were particularly bad in villages of mixed populations.
    How savage the political customs of the whole country had become is proven by the fact that the leaders of the Croatians were shot in a meeting of Parliament.
136

    After the occupation, the mother tongue was introduced to the schools as the language of instruction.  It did not, however, last very long, and gradually everything was changed.  It got to the point that the second grade was required to learn the subject of national language, starting in the third grade a number of national topics (history, geography) had to also be taught in Serbisch, and by the end of the fourth school year, the children had to be able to write German in Gothic and Latin script, Serbian in Cyrillic and Latin script.  It is not difficult to imagine what became of that!  Our political leaders demanded that school autonomy be granted to us, which was rejected with indignation.  In Hungarian times, this right was also granted to the Serbians, yet they were always trumpeting to the world how the Hungarians oppressed them.  As a result of its public education, a flourishing Serbisch culture and literature developed.  Their culture organization “Matica srpska” was not hindered from developing active and expressive cultural works and education, as appears in its annals.  Their seat was in Neusatz (Novi Sad), which is why this city is also called Serbian Athens.  The path to public service was also barred to Germans or members of other national minorities.  Nevertheless, in the rare instances when they succeeded, they could only get subordinate positions, and not responsible or leadership posts.
    In order to withstand the areas of economic strain, we were forced to create pecuniary institutions, like Agraria, a central credit bank and other branch organizations, which excited new distrust and became another stumbling block.
    The diligence and economic efficiency of our people, which are usually considered human virtues and which lead to material prosperity, instead provoked envy and hatred, and were, to the Serbians’ way of thinking, increasingly aroused in public places, often even in front of the church.
    The constant pressure to which we were exposed finally resulted in counter-pressure.  Thus emerged a modernization movement, which created discord within our own ethnic group, but its very appearance, marching music, parades, had a tendency to create ill will among the Serbians, and caused ever more dangerous threats.  Then when the war broke out, hundreds of hostages were kidnapped — no doubt could exist about their final fate — and the wave of terror that fell 
137


over us was probably only relieved by the initial success of the German troops.  Is it any wonder then that we Germans met the appearance of German troops with thankful relief, because they had freed us from the increasing pressures and harassment.  We had no clear idea of what political conditions and efforts were in the realm, and what we tried to imagine, as one from personal experience discovered later, was to a great extent false.
    After the occupation, a police force of able-bodied Germans was trained to maintain order and security, whose assembly aroused no suspicion.  As it was when the “Prince Eugen” division was formed, this was met with mixed feelings, but their deployment into the Serbian area was the biggest mistake that the German leadership could have made.  We thereby increased the pretext to label us as traitors, and the hatred from the opposition was immeasurable, which finally led to the annihilation of our people.  That our escape was prevented — for which our peoples’ group leadership was also guilty — increased the extent of the disaster, for then more than a third of our people were victimized.
    There are various reasons why our history of so many years ended tragically.  The national consciousness of people, awakened toward the end of the last century [19th], led to rampant chauvinism, which soon became a great danger for our people.  While this attitude slowly became the common mindset of other people and affected and dictated their actions, our people remained virtually unaffected by it.  When we finally became aware of the danger that threatened us, it was too late.  By the cunning alienation of our intelligence by the Magyars, by nearly completely banishing our mother tongue from the schools, and with their success at putting our nationality consciousness to sleep, our people suffered an irreparable loss of assets, including enforced widespread birth control.  During the shrewd introduction of Magyar dominance over us, the Slavics tried to brutally annihilate us.  Through the panslavic movement, through their secret society, the Sokol, through chicaneries and aggressions of every kind, through the denial of our rights, we
138

were to be annihilated and robbed of our homeland in the most gruesome manner.  They succeeded.
    The only lesson that we can learn from history, not just for ourselves, but for all mankind, is the following:  Only mutual understanding, respect for fellow men and their differences, and love among deserving people can protect us and the greater part of humanity from future catastrophes, and preserve the peace.

——————◊——————

Zerne People Living in Chicago

    The largest number of our Zerne compatriots found a new home in Chicago.  In a strange environment, they — apart from a small group of prior immigrants — gradually settled down and found a new livelihood there.  They became citizens of a world power, the USA, a country of unlimited possibilities that, in the past as well as in the present, had already achieved admirable technological and economic accomplishments.  The liberal tradition of this country, which has always revered the freedom and dignity of men, does not limit a citizen’s right to unrestricted development.
    The general circumstances and common desire to protect and maintain the social life and mother tongue in a foreign country, to pass the manners and customs of our ancestors to succeeding generations, were the probable motives that led to the establishment of the Zerne Recreation Club on September 23, 1956.
    The club holds a general meeting each month.  This takes place every second Sunday of the month, at 2 o’clock in the afternoon in the Donauschwaben Hall, 4219 Lincoln Avenue.1/
    The first executive committee consisted of the following:
President:               
Vice-President:       
Secretary:       
Treasurer:   
Trustees:
Josef Hoffmann
Dr. Rudolf Hatz
Matthias Rothenbach
Peter Kampf
Anton Kampf, Ignaz Rauscher, Josef Krämer

__________________________________________

1/  In 2003:	Zerner Vergnuegungsverein
	c/o Mr. Ignatz Rauscher, President
	22406 Bertha Lane
	Barrington, IL  60010
139

Registrar:
Bartender:
Raffle Committee:
Honorary Members:
Johann Michels
Johann Zachari
Anna Hüpfel, Magdalena Pape, Anna Schneider, Magdalena König
Josef Schamber
Matthias Leitermann

    The club immediately developed creative activities and also enrolled members from other neighboring villages in the old homeland.
    In 1964, the club activities expanded.  They understood the necessity of providing children with supplementary instruction in their native language.  This led to the founding of the Zerne Weekend School.  The first teacher was Arthur Schmidt of Betschkerek.
    Now the number of events increased.  In addition to the most beloved youth celebration, the “Kirchweih” [Church Consecration], where up to 600 guests were present, they now held festivities at Christmas and Mother’s Day.  The students of the weekend school organized the program for these latter two events.  They were attended by a pleasing number of guests, and words of praise were found in the weekly German language papers, “Sontagspost” [“Sunday Post”] and “Eintracht” [“Unity”].  Even the quarterly “Neuland” [“New Land”] in Salzburg recognized the club activities from time to time.  Since 1966, instruction at the weekend school has been by the married couple, teachers Arthur and Wilhelmine Schmidt.  Fifty students, who are divided into 4 classes, attend the lessons.  Instruction takes place at St. Alphonsus Catholic School every Saturday from 9 to 12 twelve o’clock.
    The executive committee of the club for the year 1971 consists of the following homeland people:
President:
Vice President:
Honorary President:
Secretary:
Finance Secretary:
Tickets-Treasurer:
Registrar:
Bartender:
Supervisory Board:
Peter Juraschitz
Josef Hauser
Fabian Helmer
Peter Huhn
Andreas Mussar
Hans Hepp
Christoph Grün, Jr.
Matthias Schäfer
Peter Kampf, Peter Hoffmann, Hans Mussar, Martin Juraschitz
140

Kitchen Committee:
Chef:
Raffle-Committee:
Marie Mussar, Ida Schäfer, Elisabeth Juraschitz
Elisabeth Juraschitz
Katharina Berenz, Anna Helmer, Magdalena Straub, Elisabeth Schummer, Marie Cromay, Käthe Bappert
School Board 1970—1971
Chairman:
Secretary:
Cashier:
Supervisory Board:
Teaching Staff:
Matthias Brenner
Hedy Grün
Rita Schäfer
Wilhelmine Brenner, Anna Hepp
Arthur Schmidt, Wilhelmine Schmidt
Membership on January 1, 1970
            Paying     .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .  
            Honorary members     .     .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .  
            Advocates    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    . 
            Deceased     .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .  
            Membership fees   1970   paid   .    .    .    .    .    .    . 
                                          not     paid   .    .    .    .    .    .    .  

            Membership status for 1971:

            Paying     .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .               Honorary members     .     .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .

            Altogether    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .  
216
4
18
2
214
18



214
4

218

    The example of our compatriots in Chicago not only earns our recognition but also inspires our admiration.  All members deserve our thanks, but particularly those officers who exercised such selfless and conscientious deeds over the course of years.  Special thanks are owed, however, to the teachers of the weekend school, whose devoted work can give so much to the next generation’s way through life.
    For the future good development of the Club!
    May it continue on!

141

A P P E N D I X

 

Zerne Families Worldwide

 

With surnames of Zerne non-resident wives.






The collection of compatriots in the USA, Canada and Argentina
took place via Lm. Anton Kampf,

for Austria by Lm. Nikolaus Kampf,

for the Federal Republic of Germany predominantly
by Lm. Peter Schmidt (Stuprich).




142

U S A
Chicago, Illinois
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
Anna  Weissmann
Elisabeth  Rothenbach
Franziska  Roth
Josef  Hoffmann
Matthias  König
Johann König
Matthias  Rothenbach
Katharina  Petri
Stefan  Pozojevich
Anton  Kampf
Josef  Lischeron
Michael Lukonitsch
Matthias  Schweininger, Jr.
Peter  Hoffmann
Johann  Hoffmann
Christof  Bischof, Jr.
Christof  Grün
Widow Anna Weiss
Anton  Bambach
Matthias  Remsing
Anna Braun
Hans  Spengler
Barbara  Weissmann
Michael  Weissmann
Christina  Weissmann
Anna  Fischer,  nee  Hergatt
Widow  Elisabeth  Brychta
T.  v.  Mumber  Franz
Johann  Goldscheck
Kathi  Stiebel
Maria  Konrad
Johann  Paul, Jr.
Gertrud  Mayer
Peter  Kaiser
Michael  Sterz
Anton  Krach
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
Ignaz  Rauscher
Johann  Michels
Dr.  Rudolf  Hatz
Peter  Kampf
Anton  Schulz
Matthias  Brenner, Jr.
Josef  Rebel
Katharina  Spitz
Elisabeth  Schummer
Franz  Themare
Matthias  Weiss
Heinrich  Linster
Nikolaus  Anschlinger
Josef  Bischof
Josef  Till
Nikolaus  Neurohr
Peter  Brenner
Peter  Juraschitz
Johann  Fendt
Johann  Bollmann
Michael  Kathrein
Brichta  Anna
Widow  Karoline  Wilms
Karl  Tines,  Sr.
Josef  Frauenhoffer
Nikolaus  Frauenhoffer
Karolina Decker
Katharina  Mayer
Karl  Tines,  Jr.
Josef  Tines
Katharina  Lutje
Johann  Pape
Nikolaus  Weber
Michael  Ginali
Josef  Krämer,  Jr.
Gertrud  Rebel


Cincinnati

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.

Rudolf  Bambach,  Sr.
Rudolf  Bambach,  Jr.
Leontine  Bachert
Paula  Heine
Peter  Kampf

6.
7.
8.
9.
10.

Nikolaus  Kampf
Jack  Kampf
Anna  Dolwig
Franz  Schwarz
Nikolaus  Schwarz

143

11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
Karl  Themare
Eva  Konrad
Karl  Themare,  Jr.
Alex  Czanik,  Sr.
Alex  Czanik,  Jr.
Josef  Czanik,  Sr.
Josef  Czanik,  Jr.
Nikolaus  Rothenbach
Matthias  Bach
Hans  Grün
Widow  Anna  Tabar
Anton  Hanak
Michael  Weissmann,  Sr.
Michael  Weissmann,  Jr.
Klaus  Peter
Anton  Kartye
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
Eva  Kalany,  nee  Wolfram
Michael  Wolfram
Anna  Wolfram
Franz  Quint
Michael  Roth
Martin  Stiebel
Michael  Spiess
Johann  Theiss
Josef  Unterreiner
Hary  Adam
Peter  Weber
Anna  Tabar
Maria  Krauser
Peter  Tabar
Michael  Wild


Philadelphia

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
Nikolaus  Serwo
Paul  Serwo,  Jr.
Anton  Tabar
Nikolaus  Tabar
Matthias  Mandl
Johann  Leisch
Anna  Tabar
Katharina  Stein
Gertrud  Kampf
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
Hans  Stein,  Jr.
Jürgen  Kruse
Paul  Serwo,  Sr.
Jakob  Gross
Michael  Serwo
Katharina  Sartor
Laci  Majzik
Johann  Stein,  Sr.
Ferdinand  Roth


New York

1.
2.
3.

Anna  Bach
Anton  Bach
Ludwig  Bach

4.
5.
6.

Henry  Schmidt
Katharina  Gallus
Anton  Vella


New Jersey

1.

Johann  Winter

2.

Adam  Metzger


In Different USA States

1.
2.

Josef  Noel
Matthias  Noel

3.
4.

Robert  Ahres
Franz  Keller


Detroit

1.
2.
3.

Barbara  Kirsch
Matthias  Kirsch
Johann  Kirsch

4.
5.
6.

Emilie  Müller
Matthias  Steigerwald
Elisabeth  Schäfer


144

7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
Matthias  Schäfer,  Jr.
Johann  Mann
Philipp Wersching
Frank Seiberling
Nikolaus Lambrecht
Elisabeth Damm
Paul Müller
Peter Rausch, Sr.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
Peter Rausch, Jr
Paul Tittjung
Josef Ludwig
Franz Weitz
Johann Michels
Josef Heger
Anton Sensendorf


Cleveland

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
Elisabeth Weissmann
Anton Weissmann
Michael Mayer
Peter Mayer
Otto Fuchs
Gertrud Westhof
Johann Westhof
Anna Hoffmann
Johann Hofmann
Josef Hoffmann
Peter Winschl
Georg Weber
Anton Franz
Josef Franz
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
Peter Franz
Michael Anton, Sr.
Michael Anton, Jr.
Peter Engst
Lorenz Steinbach
Frank Schönberger
Anton Mayer
Peter Kampf
Matthias Tides
Franzi Eichmüller
Anton Bambach
Michael Schulz
Jakob Tabar


California

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
Susanna Kampf
Johann Seiler
Magdalena Stiebel
Katharina Engels
Peter Stiebel
Johann Stiebel
Jakob Erasmus
? nee Stiebel
? nee Stiebel
Christine Krämer
Stefan Illy
Hans Stein
Peter Stein
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
Nikolaus Tabar
Angela Spitz
Johann Spitz
Michael Spitz
Josef Spitz
Christof Schmidt
Anton Schmidt
Johann Sensendorf
Michael Wilms
Anna Engels
Maria Frank
Johann Schleimer

Canada
1.
2.
3.
4.
Nikolous Grossmann
Johann Becker
Ludwig Zeiger
Matthias Kathrein
5.
6.
7.
8.
Margarethe Franz
Anton Theiss
Matthias Theiss
Johann Kilcher

145

9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
Johann Konrad
Katharina Schulde
Anton Schulde
Nikolaus Schulde
Nikolaus Gehl
Martin Weissmann
Peter Mussar
Johann Schäfer
Eva Schäfer
Johann Theiss
Paula Krettler
Matthias Tabar
Elisabeth Ringwald
Ivan Bondarenko
Adam Brumm
Andreas Hoffmann
Otto Brichta, Sr.
Franz Scherber
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
Johann Konrad, Jr.
Jakob Stankowitsch
Michael Stankowitsch
Anton Gruber
Andy Lock
Amel F. Duhn
Johann Tabar
Frank Hayden
Stefan Tabar
Reuben Warren
Peter Ritting
Johann Theiss
Johann Wagner
Josef Reichardt
Michael Funk
Anna Paul
Franz Krämer, Jr.
Lina Melinz


Argentina

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
Josef Dekreon
Johann Konrad
Josef Eichmüller
Andreas Glaser
Georg Glaser
Peter Oberst
Peter Hoffmann
Peter Papp
Matthias Schmidt
Leonhard Schleimer
Martin Engels
Josef Spitz
Dominik Spitz
Fritz Kovacs
Martin Kis
Emma Mayer
Therese Anschlinger
Martin Weissmann
Peter Kahles
Martin Winter
Josef Lichtfuss
Nikolaus Jost
Jakob Jost
Peter Rintje
Margarete Wiesinger
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
Michael Weissmann
Matthias Bering
Jakob Frauenhoffer
Josef Rothenbach
Anna Krieger
Anna Rosenhoffer
Nikolaus Spitz
Ignaz Spuhler
Hans Dorn
Peter Weissmann
Johann Lösch
Anton Schulz
Barbara Traubenik
Brüder Schmidt
Anna Buchmüller
Anton Fessl
Ilonka Fessl
Peter Bach
Katharina Kis
Matthias Goldscheck
Anton Kern
Elisabeth Franzen
Christian Rausch
Hans Noel
Katharina Kathrein

146

51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
Josef Kampf
Kaspar Schummer
Peter Koller
Katharina Koller
Anton Rothenbach
Matthias Neidenbach
Matthias Henika
Kaspar Schulz
Susanna Retzler
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
Gertrud Gengler
Hans Weissmann
Anna Steigerwald
Matthias König
Matthias Schummer
Susanna Rothenbach
Michael Kotre
Anton Lösch


Austria
Vienna and Surrounding Area

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
Matz Grün
Margarete Grün
Magdalena Hoffmann
Katharina Schulz
Anton Schulz
Katharina Lichnovski
Anna Bischof
Anton Bischof
Fritz Retzler
Peter Spengler
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
Matz Sentesch
Josef Sentesch
Matz Sentesch
Imre Zavargo
Kindling
Elisabeth Neumayer
Maria Stuprich
Maria Amend
Elisabeth Gregor
Karolina Grün

Linz and Surrounding Area
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
Konrad Weber
Peter Wilms
Hans Wilms
Peter Stuprich
Hans Neurohr
Anna Neurohr
Sepp Ackermann
Sepp Bodwen
Hans Sterz
Michael Sterz
Anna Hari
Peter Sterz
Peter Sterz, Jr.
Josef Michels
Anton Michels
Heidenfelder
Konrad Bäcker
Altendorfer
Jakob Winter
Josef Weber
Matthias Weber
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
Magdalena Hoffmann
Gayer
Josef Weber
Kaufmann
Trum
Magdalena Spengler
Elisabeth Wilms
Gogron
Susanna Mayer
Hans Tabar
Susanna Schweininger
Josef Mayer
Anton Recktenwald
Nikolaus Recktenwald
Hans Wegesser
Matthias Wegesser
Maria Sensendorf
Schwander
Asko
Elisabeth Bell
Magdalena Bell

147

63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
74.
73.
75.
76.
77.
78.
79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.
86.
87.
88.
89.
90.
91.
92.
93.
Johann Bell
Hans König
Matthias Wagner
Maria Wagner
Josef Wagner
Palitsch
Johann Tabar
Gutenbrunner
Peter Tides
Berta Franz
Susanna Kanton
Susanna Reisinger
Gill
Anna Schäfer
Frei
Hans Bechinger
Michael Kanton
Hans Schillinger
Hans Szilagyi
Elisabeth Schulde
Matthias Schulde
Hans Weissmann
Hans Weissmann
Wawi Schulz
Maria Schmidt
Hans Kampf
Fränzi Schummer
Bundus
Schwarz Josef
Lohner
Michael Bockmüller
94.
95.
96.
97.
98.
99.
100.
101.
102.
103.
104.
105.
106.
107.
108.
109.
110.
111.
112.
113.
114.
115.
116.
117.
118.
119.
120.
121.
122.
123.
124.
Maria Bockmüller
Josef Bockmüller
Schüttengruber
Manschefski
Ernst Bockmüller
Sepp Bockmüller
Anton Bockmüller
Josef Bockmüller
Watzinger
Rollinger
Anna Kampf
Nikolaus Kampf
Weinhöpl
Barbara Sedlak
Anna Sedlak
Johann Sedlak
Michael Sedlak
Michael Henika
Sefi Brenner
Wilhelm Brenner
Matthias Brenner
Karolina Kampf
Nikolaus Stuprich
Balser
Koller
Karl Sedlak
Magdalena Bischof
Amei Bischof
Maria Grossgut
Anna Baumgartner
Else Raier


Yugoslavia

1.
2.
3.
Nikolaus Feuerholz
Alexander Hatz
Stefan Szantó
4.
5.
6.
J. Stefik
Dr. Marko Janjic
Bogdan Kalenic

Romania
1.
2.
Josef Mayer
Anton Engels
3. Franz  Schäfer


France

1. Widow  Maria  Retzler 2. Anna  Retzler

148

England

1. Josef  Grün


Australia
1. Friedrich  Hollerbach


Hungary

1. Rákosi  Lonci


Federal Republic of Germany

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
Martin Rauscher
Johann Retzler
Matthias Wegesser
Nikolaus Reiter
Walter König
Dr. Josef Kreps
Dr. Johann Nicka
Helene Kirch
Johann Hatz
Anton Wirth zun.
Barbara Wirt
Johann Bischof
Maria Retzler
Anna Michels
Nikolaus Spiess
Josef Engels
Jakob Sehr
Jakob Nickels
Matthias Schleimer
Matthias Brenner, Sr.
Nikolaus Tabar
Nikolaus Tabar, Sr.
Nikolaus Tabar, Jr.
Josef Schmidt, Sr.
Josef Schmidt, Jr.
Nikolaus Rausch
Karolina Rausch
Franz Hüpfel
Katharina Normann
Philipp Beck
Kaspar Schummer
Franz Tabar
Franz Stuprich
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
Konrad Tabar, Sr.
Konrad Tabar, Jr.
Gertrud Kremer
Josef Kremer
Anton Kremer
Josef Sterz
Anton Schiwan
Elisabeth Fischer
Magdalena Tabar
Andreas Eckert
Peter Baumann
Elsa Pavlik
Johann Tabar
Karolina Tokodi
Michael Pittinger
Peter Mayer
Susanna Schillinger
Katharina Wild
Christoph Weissmann
Thesere Bohr
Anton Engels
Jakob Engels
Elisabeth Hoffmann
Franz Hoffmann
Peter Kathrein
Peter Krach
Konrad Eichmüller
Magdalena Weissmann
Nikolaus Schulz
Eva Kowatsch
Karolina Kampf
Elisabeth Fritz
Peter Wirth, Sr.

149

67.
68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
74.
73.
75.
76.
77.
78.
79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.
86.
87.
88.
89.
90.
91.
92.
93.
94.
95.
96.
97.
98.
99.
100.
101.
102.
103.
104.
105.
106.
107.
108.
109.
110.
111.
112.
Peter Wirth, Jr.
Katharina Stiebel
Josef Frauenhoffer, Jr.
Nikolaus Frauenhoffer
Josef Engels
Elisabeth Ruff
Peter Schorsch
Katharina Franz
Martin Konrad
Elisabeth Bischof
Anna Kremer
Josef Juraschitz
Christoph Renye
Nikolaus Schuld
Josef Keller
Nikolaus Keller
Peter Ludwig
Nikolaus Ludwig
Matthias Ludwig
Peter Schmidt
Johann Schmidt
Anna Schmidt
Magdalena Schmidt
Josef Fendt, Sr.
Nikolaus Fessl
Nikolaus Tabar
Josef Mayer
Elisabeth Mayer
Elisabeth Kaiser
Nikolaus Weiss
Johann Schleimer, Sr.
Johann Schleimer, Jr.
Anton Ginali
Jakob Stiebel
Michael Weissmann
Franz Kremer
Johann Hepp
Josef Franz
Nikolaus Stiebel
Anton Stiebel
Mathilde Stiebel
Michael Retzler
Peter Brandecker
Johann Wilms
Magdalena Weissmann
Elisabeth Kremer
113.
114.
115.
116.
117.
118.
119.
120.
121.
122.
123.
124.
125.
126.
127.
128.
129.
130.
131.
132.
133.
134.
135.
136.
137.
138.
139.
140.
141.
142.
143.
144.
145.
146.
147.
148.
149.
150.
151.
152.
153.
154.
155.
156.
157.
158.
Barbara Dekreon
Susanna Cservenyak
Martin Grabowski
Josef Grabowski
Gertrud Bohl
Johann Schulz
Erna Mirwald
Christine Krisch
Margarethe Muschong
Stefan Koch
Anton Dekreon
Nikolaus Neumayer
Katharina Wünschl
Hans Weron
Michael Weron
Peter Weron
Magdalena Weron
Josef Bauhof
Heinrich Bauhof
Peter Wolf
Stefan Mayer
Anton Mayer
Johann Blatt
Peter Getsch, Sr.
Peter Getsch, Jr.
Magdalene Deffert
Anton Bodwen
Hans Tabar
Michael Kampf
Magdalena Karls
Peter Bambach
Josef Krach
Martin Krach
Anna Getsch, Sr.
Anna Getsch, Jr.
Magdalena Getsch
Anna Franz
Anna Hagels
Katharina Schiwan
Anton Rapp
Josef Rauscher
Elisabeth Wirth
Peter Schmidt
Elisabeth Span
Josef Span
Lorenz Engels

150

159.
160.
161.
162.
163.
164.
165.
166.
167.
168.
169.
170.
171.
172.
173.
174.
175.
176.
177.
178.
179.
180.
181.
182.
183.
Karolina Tabar
Magdalena Tabar
Susanna Schleimer
Josef Kampf
Käthe Frauenhoffer
Johann Kampf
Elisabeth Kampf
Agathe Tabar
Maria Weiss
Elisabeth Bodwen
Karolina Schulz
Luise Schulz
Johann Schulz
Berta Eichmüller
Josef König
Margit Schmidt
Magdalena Tabar
Nikolaus Tabar
Karolina Schleimer
Katharina Vojciechowski
Matthias Schleimer
Katharina Müller
Anton Spuler, Jr.
Andreas Eckert
Josef Franz
184.
185.
186.
187.
188.
189.
190.
191.
192.
193.
194.
195.
196.
197.
198.
199.
200.
201.
202.
203.
204.
205.
206.
207.
Hans Krach
Elsa Kiss
Katharina Götz
Susanna Tabar
Johann Tabar
Magdalena Weissmann
Magdalena Tabar
Katharina Pandl
Josef Fendt, Jr.
Nikolaus Fendt
Eva Taler
Susanna Stuprich
Johann Wagner
Karolina Wichnal
Johann Schmidt
Josef Schleimer, Sr.
Josef Schleimer, Jr.
Katharina Fuchs
Anna Amman
Elisabeth Schleimer
Magdalena Schmidt
Willy Bauhof
Josef Hoffmann
Michael Grün


——————◊——————


151

TABLE OF CONTENTS


      1.    Foreword    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
      2.    The Banat, Our Homeland    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
      3.    The Reasons for Settlement of the Banat   .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
      4.    The Settlement .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
      5.    Geographical Locations, Conditions, and Appearance   .    .    .    .    .
      6.    Local Administration   .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
      7.    Manorial System, Lord of Patronage    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
      8.    Development Up to World War I    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .

      9.    Economy, Commerce, Health Service   .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
    10.    World War I.    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
    11.    The Period Up to World War II .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
    12.    The Church, the Cemetery.    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
    13.    The School   .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
    14.    Family Life, Morals, Customs.    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
    15.    Associations, Miscellaneous   .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
    16.    Houses and Dwellings  .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
    17.    Craftsmen, Traders .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
    18.    World War II
   .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
    19.    The Political Breaking Point Approaches    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
    20.    Conditions After the Occupation
.    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
    21.    People Lost
  .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
    22.    Momentous Decision
   .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
    23.    Homeland, Politics and Our Destiny
.    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
    24.    Zerne People Living in Chicago
   .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
    25.    Appendix.
   .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
    26.    Table of Contents   .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
    27.    Pictures   .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .    .
             Addendum



5
7
11
13
15
18
21
23
26
29
32
37
40
46
56
61

82

87
91
96
120
128
132
139
142
152
153


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