HANS TABAR:
History of ZERNE
HOMELAND BOOK OF THE SISTER
COMMUNITIES DEUTSCH- AND SERBISCH-ZERNE
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Foreword |
Early in my youth, I decided to write a history of my homeland.
However, one needs information to complete this task. I hoped to find
this in the archives of the community, the parish rectory, the estate
of Count Csekonics, and the mother community of Hatzfeld.
Unfortunately, my efforts were fruitless. So I gave up searching for
old documents and devoted myself to the collection of the memories of
older fellow countrymen. In this way, I received many a valuable
communication of personal memories from the people involved and oral
records passed down from settlement times. I examined the collection of
materials carefully, and this first became useful when, in 1943, I had
to submit a history of the community at the request of higher
authorities. Before this time, I had already been given the opportunity
to verify and complete my collection of materials from similar
publications to the extent that it was necessary for our community.
May
this book be granted a good reception and large circulation!After the stirring events of World War II and the period thereafter, it occurred to me again that I should write down the details of events and not let them be forgotten. This was quite a task that required great commitment and much dedication, but it brought me closer to my goal. My fellow countryman, Josef Kampf, with his female colleagues, was also involved. Additional valuable material was provided by Jakob Nickels, our last vice-notary, Anton Kampf, and my countryman, Matthias Kampf of Hatzfeld. To them and to all who put themselves at our disposal or in other ways cooperated for the completion of this book, my heartfelt thanks. The goal of this work is to provide the youth and succeeding generations an image of the fate and accomplishments of their ancestors. But it should also keep alive the thoughts and remembrances of their ancestors. Karlsfeld, 1973 |
The Author |
Hans Tabar Senior Primary Schoolteacher, Retired |
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Table of Contents |
The Northwest
Banat |
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The Banat, Our
Homeland |
Our former homeland was the Banat. It lies in the southern part of the
Pannonian lowland plain between the Danube River, the Theiss, Marosch,
and Siebenburg Mountains. It has a surface of 28,000 qkm [quadratkilometers
or square kilometers]. The population before World War I was 1.5
million. |
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the
country
was a picture of total devastation. Only slowly did the people who
endured this destruction venture out of their hiding places. A small
number survived this sudden and cruel invasion and began reconstruction. |
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from
Germany, France,
Italy and Spain, mainly
farmers, to whom he
allocated fields and home sites. The Turkish War in 1737 led to a
setback in the colonization. Many settlers fled. Others became victims
of pestilence. |
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it
took ten
years before they
became master of the perils and made for themselves a new homeland. The
battle against epidemics and arduous cultivation of the earth cost
hundreds of lives, but their efforts and perspiration were rewarded at
the end with success. The Banat became the breadbasket of Europe. |
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The Reasons
for Settlement of the Banat |
Since the Banat had been freed from the Turks with a huge sacrifice of
blood in the victorious campaigns of Prince Eugen, there was a question
about the security of the regained possession. Even when the Turks had
been forced back into the area lying south of the Danube, there were
still constant raids by smaller Turkish troops along the borders. To
prevent this, and to enable peaceful development in these possessions,
proper measures had to be taken. |
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1. Kaiser Karl
VI. (1711—1740), 2. Empress Maria Theresa (1746—1780), 3. Kaiser Josef II. (1780—1790), 4. Prince Eugen von Savoy, 5. General Count Claudius Florimund Mercy. |
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had
mulberry
bushes planted and brought in silkworms. Even today the village of
Mercydorf in the Romanian Banat carries his name. |
From a wilderness,
it became a blooming Eden, |
The Settlement |
In the year 1753, 68 Serbians, among them a few Romanian families, came
into the territory of our homeland community as settlers from Boldur
Ried, which they left because of the constant threat of flooding.
Boldur Ried was in the vicinity of the future village of
Deutsch-Sankt-Michael in today’s Romanian Banat, near the community of
Csene. They settled on the black bar jutting out of the flood area
where Csekonics' stud farm (Ménes) later stood. From there came the
first name, Crna-Greda [Black Bar]. Later the settlement was
moved to where the Serbian church stands today. Since the earth was
black they named the place Crnja (Zerne). In the 17th century, a
settlement there called Olesch or Olasch was destroyed by the Turks. In
1775, the Serbian church was built on the site. |
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acres,
depending on the
source] of community land for farming, grazing,
and gardening, and, in fact, 89 whole sessions, 43 halves, 6 quarters,
and 4 eighths. In 1800, Zerne received 167 acres for the parish priest,
school, and butcher’s stall, 4 acres for the church yard, and 6 acres
for the inn. |
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The lease had to be paid with money, natural produce, and hard labor.
The farmers often had to deliver the produce all the way to Becse on
the Theiss River. At that time, many had to give up their fields
because they could not keep the heavy commitments. Later, the community meadows (Hotter) were newly surveyed and the village of Deutsch-Zerne was given 17,000 joch [Ed. note: the area a yoke of oxen can plow in one day – about 1.44 acres]. The land register of the community consisted of two sections. To the first section belonged 3,000 Kat. joch (1 Kat. joch = 1,600 square fathoms); to the second section, 14,000 Kat. joch. The first part belonged to the farmers; the second part, the manor farmyards (majorok), German wine gardens, and 140 joch clover gardens, were owned by the nobility. The village of Serbisch-Zerne had a 4,500 Kat. joch field. Its population consisted of farmers, tradesmen, merchants, and cottagers. There were 140 farmers in Deutsch-Zerne. Each one leased 25 joch of farmland from the manor lords: a 17 joch farm field, a 7 joch meadow, and a 1 joch clover garden. After the introduction of crop rotation, the order of plantings in the individual fields of the manor lords was prescribed and had to be strictly observed. The lease contained the following requirements: in addition to the exact amount no longer being determined, every farmer was obliged to mow, dry and gather into haystacks a 2 joch field of vetch, to reap and set on their backs a 4 joch field of wheat, to import 300 back loads of wheat, and, in the fall, everyone had to till a 4 joch field and plant root |
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vegetables
and hemp.
The farmer was allowed
to sell his lease but only to someone acceptable to the lord of the
manor. He could bequeath it to only one of his children. ——————◊—————— Our sister communities lay in the northeastern part of the Yugoslavian Banat at the Romanian border. The distance to the border was 3 kilometers. The district of Julia-major, part of Count Csekonics' properties, lay directly at the boundary, on the Betschkerek-Hatzfeld road that passed |
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through
our community.
In the Romanian area 5 kilometers from the frontier lies the beautiful
German municipality of Hatzfeld from which came the largest proportion
of our pioneer ancestors. In the north were our neighboring communities
of Heufeld, Mastort and Ruskodorf, somewhat further northwest, the
so-called French villages of St. Hubert, Soltur, and Charlevill. In the
south were the neighboring communities of Hungarian-Zerne (Nova Crnja)
and Vojvoda Stepo, in the northeast, Klarija, in the southeast, Hetin. |
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relationships.
With the numerical
rearrangement of population areas in Deutsch-Zerne whereby the Serbians
achieved majority, there arose such violent altercations over the
community political property that the community seat was relocated to
the colony of Vojvoda Stepo and the name of the village became Vojvoda
Stepo. Only with extreme difficulty did Deutsch-Zerne become autonomous
again. |
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In the courtyard space parallel to the main building, there was an auxiliary building. The summer kitchen was often located here followed by a wagon and supply shed. In the farmhouse were also supplies of straw, hay, chaff, cornhusks, pig stalls, and the corn storage “kotarka”. The property was surrounded with a fence made of wire, boards, or slats. On the street side was a brick wall and rarely locked wooden gate. The houses and rooms were beautifully plastered inside and outside. The living rooms and hallway were painted. Order and cleanliness dominated overall, on the streets, in the house and the courtyard, so that everything gave a pleasing impression. |
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Local Administration |
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A short time after the settlement of our community we had to address
some problems so that proper order would reign in our village. Every
settler had obligations to assume, the fulfillment of which had to be
monitored for the common good. That was the task of the court of law.
In the fore was the supreme judge, and there were also the following
members: the lower court judge, several jury members, and an orphanage
superintendent. To them was entrusted the administration of the
community. The supreme judge controlled unlimited power of the
establishment and therefore, everyone had great respect for him.
Elections were as follows: the lord of the manor had the right to
recommend three capable citizens for these positions and the vote took
place by acclamation. Whoever had the most votes was elected. In the
same way, the remaining members of the town council and the aldermen
were elected. |
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The town council and the aldermen held their meetings in the community
house. Community officials performed the written work. At the head
stood the notary public. His deputy was the vice-notary public. In the course of time, the name of our village was changed several times: Deutsch-Cernya, Német-Czernya, Németczernya, Németcsernye, Nemačka-Crnja, Deutsch-Zerne; Crnja, Czernya, Csernye, Srpska Crnja. The official language until 1830 was Latin (predominantly),
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As far as can be determined the
following town judges served in Deutsch-Zerne in the years from 1886
through 1944:
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In Serbisch-Zerne, the Serbian portion of the population determined the
town judge. The last one was a German, Anton Kremer, who became a
sacrifice to the partisans. During Yugoslavian times the judge was
usually appointed.
Notaries in Deutsch-Zerne were:
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Vice Notaries were:
The town clerks were:
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Manorial System, Lord of Patronage |
The territory of our homeland community was owned by the Csekonics
family. Since the Banat had been freed from the Turks, it was under the
administration of the Vienna exchequer who was anxious to market
Banater goods to deserving nobles for, due to the many wars that
Austria had to fight, the treasury was empty and had to be filled up.
For this reason, the territory came into the possession of the
Csekonics family. They descended from Croatian nobility and provided
the imperial army many courageous commissioned officers. One of them,
of course, was Josef von Csekonics, the Austrian general. As soon as
the Csekonics family took possession of the territory, they considered
it their foremost task to settle and reclaim the land. In the course of
time, fruitful farmland would spring from this wilderness and
swampland. As their domicile they chose Hatzfeld, in the middle of
which they built a beautiful castle which was surrounded by a wonderful
park. Later there arose at the southern outskirts of the community a
larger castle built in the English style with a beautiful well-kept
park and a forest, which became cherished by the Hatzfeld people as a
place for outings. A beautiful parkway led from Hatzfeld to this castle
(Csitó). Just next to Csitó was the burial vault of the count’s family
where family members found their final resting-place. Besides these two
castles, the count’s family owned several palaces in the capital city
of Budapest, Hungary, and a property in Enying with a 7,000 joch field
in the vicinity of Budapest. Their Banat territory was 33,000 joch.
Three communities were settled there: Deutsch-Zerne, Hungarian-Zerne,
and Csösztelek (Tschestelek). |
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Besides farming there were some centers of emphasis for other branches
of trade. Klein-Julia-major and Szöllös-major had large dairies;
Klein-Konstancia-major and Sziget-major were centers for pig breeding. |
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emergency or misfortune. The manor lords also built a convent, maintained it, and paid the sisters for their expenses. Whenever anyone was in personal need or distress, he always found a listener and was energetically assisted. |
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Development Up
to World War I |
The life of our ancestors in the time of the
settlement was extremely difficult. In an unfamiliar climate, with
primitive tools and equipment, in a swampy region full of noxious
fumes, they worked the earth with its lush undergrowth and weeds. Wild,
dangerous beasts threatened their health and life. Parasites destroyed
the crops while flooding of the fields and hailstorms also contributed.
One can truly visualize how difficult the work was if one wanted to
make a furrow in bristly, overgrown earth with a wooden plow that has
weak traction. How long would one have to work a field until even 1
joch is plowed! So, of course, all family members capable of working
had to help in the field. In the beginning, they could not even think
of plowing the grounds every year. The sowings took place mostly in the
clod-filled soil where the seed grew with difficulty. When the time
came for the maize to be harvested, they performed this chore with a
hoe, for the chopping plow was still unknown at that time. And when the
harvest time came, again all work-hardy members had to work the fields.
Thunderstorms and hailstorms threatened to blast the earth, and so
haste was necessary. The lord of the manor could demand at any time
that the prescribed manual labor be performed on his property; then
everyone had to stop and leave their work in order to meet their
obligations to the manor lord. When one realizes that they cut their
crop with a sickle —
in the beginning the scythe was still unknown — then one can conjecture how long
the reaping lasted. When the crops at the manor and and at home had
been brought in, then the toilsome labor of treading began. Treading on
the threshing floor with horses, if there was no rain, often lasted
from 3 in the morning until 9 o'clock at night. As long as the wind blew, the
well-trodden corn was flung on |
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high with the
chaff,
whereby the wind blew away the chaff and the fruit fell below. When
these chores were done, then began the work of corn cracking, cutting
and spreading mulch. Autumn sowing often lasted until Christmas if the
weather was bad. The community meadows were divided and the same
variety of grain was grown in each meadow year after year because the
benefits of crop rotation were still unknown. The fallow meadow was
used as a cattle feedlot. The young cattle stayed there day and night
from spring until fall; after the reaping, they dug it all up like the
stubble meadows. To stop thieves, meadow guards were elected who
received a fair amount of fallow meadow in kind. The cowshed manure was
at first not brought out onto the fields because there was no time for
that. They took it to the ground pit and unloaded it there. |
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famine and the manor lords had provisions distributed to
the people to relieve their
destitution. On September 23, 1886, there was a fire in the house of
Michael Schulz, Number 131. The rapidly spreading flames reduced 40
houses to ash along with a large amount of supplies and animal feed and
brought the greatest misfortune to everyone involved. Again in 1904,
several houses on Neuen-Gasse were sacrificed to flames. |
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Enterprise,
Commerce, Health Service Up to World War I |
The heavy and
difficult work our ancestors had to perform during the time of
settlement and the primitive tools with which they accomplished it
demonstrated to us their very early ingenuity. However, development and
progress did not stand still. In time, more practical tools,
implements, and machines became available for their use. Around the
year 1865, the iron plow displaced the wooden plow. Several years later
there were even sharper plows. This not only made their work easier,
but it also enabled them to work the fields more efficiently, plow in
the manure, and attain better crop yields. Since they previously cut
the grain with scythe and sickle, which took a lot of time and hard
work, the reaper and sheaf binder soon found application. The former
began to be used in 1905. The crops were no longer trodden laboriously
with horses. By 1880 there were two steam-run threshing machines, owned
by Johann Tabar (Ferenc-utca) and Nikolaus Frauenhoffer (House Number
197). The threshing was initially done on the common pastures because
they feared fire since many houses had a reed roof. After the turn of
the century, they were also allowed to thresh on their own farmland.
Also at this time they used straw elevators. In 1900, the first
self-propelled threshing machine was also put into operation. The
owners were the locksmiths Kremm and Frauenhoffer. |
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place
in furrows so that
the plants always stood in rows. Soon the light plow was also used.
This lightened their workload immensely and saved them much time. The
corn was hacked 2-3 times and finally accumulated. During the year, the
corn crops involved little work. When it was ripe, it was broken and
placed for drying in the corn sheds (Hambar, Kotarko). It had to
be gathered for use as animal feed. While this was done at first by
hand, the chore was later
accomplished
with a manually operated corn-gatherer, and finally with a motor-run
corn-gatherer. Oats, barley, rye, were planted only to a small degree,
vegetables and potatoes only for home use. Clover, alfalfa, millet, and
root vegetables served as cattle feed. Rapeseed was less often
produced, also hemp but not very often, to the
extent that the demand in one’s own house necessitated. |
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milk products by the population but also the needs of the cities. In 1911, Deutsch-Zerne already had a milk cooperative that delivered 130 liters of milk to Temesvar daily. Fat stock and calves were also supplied to the cities. Another good source of income for our people was pig breeding. The most popular pig breed was the native Mangolica. They served not only as required fat and meat needs of the family but also brought substantial sales revenue. In the last period before World War I, English Berkshire and Yorkshire pigs became widespread in our community. Earlier there was much interest in sheep farming. The sheep — winter months excluded — were given over to shepherds for care. During the year they supplied milk and a certain amount of cheese and gave up their wool, and in late autumn the sheep and lambs returned home. For this reason, sheep were of great importance because our ancestors made various articles of clothing out of the wool during the winter months. Later, because there were no more pasture areas left, sheep farming was completely given up. Fowl covered their demand for eggs; their flesh found good use in the kitchen, their quills found use as bed feathers. The rest of the fowl brought welcome sales revenue. Small business also demonstrated a steady improvement. They were never lacking in the necessary new blood. After an apprentice completed his years of indenture, he took to wandering. His traveling years led him into neighboring cities, and often all the way to Budapest or Vienna. This gave him the opportunity to strengthen his vocation and expand his mental horizons. Many of them remained away permanently, established their own foreign business, became self-sufficient, and started a family. Those who returned to their homeland many years later, after fulfilling their military obligation, established their own business there. The tradesmen were united together in a guild. Industrious traders provided for the needs of the people with products to offer. The brick works were founded in 1880. The founders were the locksmith Nikolaus Frauenhoffer, the razor craftsman Kern, the merchants Anton Hönig and Josef Kiefer. They were located in Serbisch-Zerne and gave many inhabitants a livelihood. |
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So much was done for them, even for their health. While at first they
took drinking water from their house wells, later deep-seated wells
were built for the community; these were followed by artesian wells.
The number of artesian wells before World War I was 6. In case of
sickness, there was a doctor at their disposal. The first doctor was
Dr. Muraközy Dezsö. He also attended the sick in the leasehold farms of
the manor and received from them payment in kind. The nurses of the
convent gave valuable service in the care and nurturing of the sick. In
our fond memory was Sister Sarolta of the Sisters of the Cross, who
left our area in 1922. Also in the health service were the midwives:
Katharina Spitz, Maria Engel, Emilie Koch. |
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World War I |
On June 28, 1914 in Sarajewo, the Austro-Hungarian
heirs to the throne, Franz Ferdinand and his wife Sophie, née Countess
Chotek, were murdered by Serbian terrorists, which provoked worldwide
outrage. Lively diplomatic activity followed this incident. The unsatisfactory response to
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the
Austro-Hungarian
ultimatum from the Serbians resulted in the declaration of war by
Austria-Hungary against the Serbians on July 28, 1914. The war lasted 4
years, from 1914 until 1918. With few exceptions, all countries of
Europe and a considerable number of countries outside of Europe were
involved. Naturally, this war had its own impact on the relations in
our homeland and our sister communities. On July 26 followed the area
mobilization, and all conscripts up to 40 years of age had to report.
Due to the rapid enlistment of many nations in the war, nationwide
mobilization was ordered at once, and a grueling battle flared up on
all fronts. In the first year of the war, horses and vehicles were
requisitioned. Soon a relief mobile for the wounded was set up in many
communities, in 1916 also by ours. On April 30 of the same year, the
clock was advanced by 1 hour to save electricity and lighting. In
August 1916, the Romanians entered the war on the opposing side, and
the people of Siebenburg [Kronstadt] fled in the face of
invading Romanian troops. Siebenburg Saxons soon marched; however, they
trekked home shortly after their homeland was purged of foes. The
longer the war lasted, the more difficulties people had to bear. Church
bells were melted down for the manufacture of war materials; the people
were called upon to subscribe for war bonds. To prevent the steady rise
of the cost of food, they created price ceilings and issued food ration
cards. In most instances, food was confiscated so that they could feed
the armies and the city people. Only 10-18 kilograms of wheat was
allowed each person per month, and 50% corn meal had to be mixed into
bread flour. Wheat could only be ground in the mill with a meal pass.
Naturally they tried to get around these orders; for that reason, many
bread grains were hidden and ground by moonlight. Since the men of 18
to 52 years were serving in the campaign, the old men, women and
children at home had to perform superhuman feats. To relieve them,
Russian prisoners of war were assigned to them as workers. Due to fear
of the depreciation of money, gold and silver coins disappeared; even
nickel and copper coins were hoarded, which led to a change shortage.
Hardly anything could be bought at the ceiling price. The black market |
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price,
which naturally was significantly higher,
was driven by the buyers themselves out of fear that the goods would
not be generally available. It finally happened that they devolved to
barter. The result was that trains were crammed with villagers going to
the cities and people with something to barter traveled in the opposite
direction. The city inhabitants needed mostly food, while the country
inhabitants were generally in need of textiles, basic commodities,
especially petroleum. It came to the point that in many houses they
were forced to use tallow lights for illumination. |
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The Period Up to World War II |
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The end of World War I brought enormous changes in
all respects. After the truce in November 1918, the first Serbian
occupation troops appeared and took possession of our sister
communities. Even before their entry, there were a few transgressions
by the Serbian section of the population. They robbed and plundered the
leasehold farms of Count Csekonics. But that lasted only a very short
time, and soon peace and order reigned. In 1920, the Peace Treaty of
Trianon awarded the western part of the Banat to the newly founded
nation, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenians, to which both of
our sister communities belonged. Tremendous changes were heralded and
undertaken. First, the property of Count Csekonics was confiscated; it
was later distributed to Serbian war volunteers and colonists and the
poorer ranks of the local Serbian population. For Count Csekonics there
remained only 500 joch in Julia-major, the stud farm, 82 joch with the
attached house, and Konstancia-major with the Hunter’s Forest. The
other leasehold farms were cleared away, sold as building materials,
and used in other ways. In Leona-major, they founded a new settlement
named Vojvoda-Stepo with 720 home sites. The settlers, war volunteers,
came from Bosnia, Herzegowina, and Lika. Every family received an 8¾
joch field. The poor local Serbian population, who had no house and
field, were settled at Julia-major. The settlement was called
Vojvoda-Bojović. Those who settled here received 3 joch per married
couple, 1/2 joch for every child under 12, and 1 joch for youths from
12 to 18 years. Both settlements belonged to the community of
Deutsch-Zerne (Nemačka-Crnja). They experienced a swift recovery due to
massive support of the state. The number of inhabitants soon formed the
majority in the community. At the community election in 1934, the
Serbians obtained the majority on the community council; Jovo Milić of
Vojvoda-Stepo was elected town judge. On February 2, 1935, they moved
the seat of the community to the colony of Vojvoda Stepo, 7 km. away –
on the grounds of a community counsel decision made by the
administration within. |
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decree
of the king,
and it again became
independent. Implementation had to wait until March 1937. In this
reorganization, the community received 3,000 joch of land according to
the land register. Vojvoda Bojović, with the regions of Klein-Julia,
Szöllös-major, and the German wine gardens, was attached to
Serbisch-Zerne. The territory of Sziget-major and Klein-Sziget fell to
the community of Klarija because Serbians from Klarija owned the fields. |
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trade meat pig breeds, like Yorkshire and Berkshire, and later, to the refined German country pig. These suited their taste and the desire of the times for better marketing opportunities. Corporate organizations cared for the breed and exploited the agricultural and animal products. The cooperatives also provided for the thrifty and credit-wise. In our home location were the following cooperatives: Credit Cooperative. Founded 1900. Re-established 1923. At the re-opening of the agency, Anton Stiebel, Sr. especially exerted himself. He was also the first chairman of the administrative board. After his death, Gustav Schmidt took his place. Employees were Josef Kreps as bookkeeper, and Hans Tabar, the schoolteacher, as cashier. The depository trustee was Johann Stuprich, afterwards Josef Mayer. In 1928, the German cooperative “Agraria” was founded with the help of Bauernhilfe [Farmer's Help] and other sister cooperatives. Presiding over Agraria were Kaspar Schweininger, bookkeeper, and business leader of Bauernhilfe, Josef Wirth, Sr., and cashier Anton Kampf. Pig Breeding Cooperative. President Peter Stein, Secretary Peter Kampf. Egg and Poultry Cooperative. Purchasing agent Philipp Rausch. There were good times for industry and commerce at the end of World War I. Brisk building activity, colonization of the former property of Count Csekonics, immigration of numerous colonists all increased the need for various goods and furniture. The annexation of Hatzfeld to Romania in 1924 also benefited this development. In spite of the depression, an upward movement was noticeable to meet larger demands and to keep pace with the times. Besides biweekly markets, 4 yearly markets also took place. In 1928, the Trade Corporation was founded for the people of Deutsch- and Serbisch-Zerne, and, to claim secondary growth in trade and industry, a new school for apprentices emerged. Acting as teachers were: Pavle Zadera, Hans Tabar, Mirko Mitrović, and Michael Kremer. In 1941, it was shut down. |
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The growth of industry made even
further progress between the two World Wars. A new steam mill arose
near the train station. The builders were Nikolaus Frauenhoffer and
Josef Stiebel. Later it was owned by the brothers Franz and Josef
Kremer, except that soon after it was destroyed by fire. |
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——————◊—————— |
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Statistical Information Population of Deutsch-Zerne
Number of Germans
in Serbisch-Zerne
652
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35 |
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Causes of Population Fluctuation |
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a) The large decrease in German population is based on the break-up of the landed property of Count Csekonics. A large overseas emigration wave followed. The one-child inheritance system also contributed. b) Hungarians worked mostly for Count Csekonics. After the erosion of the economy, they emigrated. c) The number of gypsies rose due to a high birth rate and strong immigration. If there was a marriage to a gypsy, and one of the marriage partners originated in our community, the married couple would, in almost all cases, become residents here. In this manner, over time, their number reached as high as the population of a small village. What these lazy scoundrels then implemented in the worst hours of our homeland people by plundering, crimes, and brutality will be partially gleaned from this document. The ravaging of the churchyard, knocking over gravestones, breaking open crypts and the coffins within them, for the most part, goes back to these contemptible barbarians.
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Altogether 6,158 land registered joch. That means that the property more or less doubled.
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36 |
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——————◊—————— | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
The Church, the
Cemetery |
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When our ancestors left their homeland and came to the Banat as settlers, they were deeply religious. They not only performed their daily table prayers, but before the great celebrations, such as Advent and Lent, they fervently prayed the rosary with family or at meetings. Found in every house were votive candles, a crucifix, and holy pictures to decorate the walls of the rooms. The prayer books bound with leather with their yellowed pages showed that they were used frequently. Every Sunday and Holy Day they attended church with the exception of one family member, the one who cooked. Therefore, it was their most fervent desire to have their own church. In the beginning, our settlement belonged to the mother community of Hatzfeld. They attended church there and registration of the parish was done there. Later a chapel might have been built there in which services could be held, but Josef von Csekonics had already built our own parish church in 1808. Clay bricks served as building materials. The roof was covered with shingles. The lord of the manor provided the building materials and the artisans. The people provided the labor. The community received 4 joch for the churchyard on the western outskirts. On September 1, 1808, |
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37 |
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the
parish received a priest, and on October 18 the church was blessed in honor of St. Josef
by Bishop Ladislaus
Köszeghy von Remete. Its benefactors were the lords of the manor at
that time. They were Josef von Csekonics, Count Johann von Csekonics,
and the last one, Count Andreas von Csekonics. The rights and
responsibilities of the benefactor were specifically documented. The
priest received yearly payment in kind from the benefactor, and the
benefactor assumed upkeep of the church. The priest also received
smaller payments from the community, and the community paid the
organist and sacristan. After World War I, the newly founded church
community undertook the responsibilities of the political community.
The question of the pastor’s stipend and the upkeep of the church
remained outstanding for years, for after World War I the ownership of
the property of the manor lord was, of course, divided between Serbian
war volunteers and colonists. Because of this, they were unable to
satisfy their patronage obligations. After extensive negotiations, the
agrarian authorities agreed to relinquish a 50 joch field in the
vicinity of the brick kiln for the organist in compensation for the
loss of income from the manor lord. |
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38 |
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followed the call of the bells for worship. How festive
were the church services at Christmas and Easter, but also on other
feast days with the church choir, later the glee club, and brass band
participating. |
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Yes, there are wistful memories when we think back on all of this! Our
church remains for us the most beautiful because it was our church in
which our ancestors, in their need, afflictions, pains, and worries,
sought and found comfort and relief. |
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The last priest died during the disorders after the collapse. |
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39 |
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the
site where
our deceased found their final peace, always presented an impression of being
cherished. In the middle
of the churchyard stood a large cross, not far from the chapel built by
the Hönig family. |
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——————◊—————— |
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The School |
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Immediately after the settlement, a school was opened for the children.
The school building was first constructed in 1808. Where the children
were instructed up until this point of time is not ascertainable. They
placed much value on the education of their children, but especially
upon their religious education. Our school had a denominational
character until 1921, when it — like all the others — was nationalized
by order of the Education Administration and control of the school
passed into the hand of the state. Before this point in time, the local
parish priest was also the school director and the school was subject
to his supervision. The children were taught by a schoolmaster. This
person did not have any special professional
education. The qualifications were |
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40 |
basic. He must be able to read, write, and do arithmetic. In addition to his teaching duties, he had to provide the customary service of the sacristan and ring the bells. His pay was marginal. In the early days, they used the schoolmaster like an adopted non-commissioned officer or a better-educated tradesman. Consequently, educational achievements were very moderate, yes low. At the time of the settlement, school regulations from the year 1774 were in force. After this there were: 1. Normal schools,2. Main schools, 3. Common (or trivial) schools. In the common schools in the country, the following had to be taught: a) Religion, b) Reading: written and printed, c) Writing, d) Arithmetic.
The 6 to 8 year old children attended summer school. It began after
Easter and lasted until Michaelmas [September 29th]. During
harvest time, there were 4 weeks of recess. There was no school in
winter because the paths were too bad for the smaller children.
Besides, most of them could not attend school because of their poor
clothing. |
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41 |
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generation
long
remembered the works
of Schoolmaster Friedrich Michels who gave our ancestors so much for
their journey through life; and even this generation of schoolmasters
has paid heed to his teachings. |
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42 |
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The headmasters of the Deutsch-Zerne School were:
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Schoolmasters
of
the Deutsch-Zerne school were, as far as could be determined:
With gratitude should the works of the school sisters be recognized.
In 1888 the convent was built by the lord of the manor and
occupied by the Sisters of the Cross. The sisters
undertook instruction in the girls’ school; they provided private
instruction in handicrafts for the female youth who had left school,
also music, especially piano instruction. The
nursing sisters carried on a beneficial service in the care and nurture
of the sick. The convent was under the direction of
Oberin Gonzaga until 1922. Then the religious order
recalled the sisters.
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43 |
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At the German school in Serbisch-Zerne, Michael Kremer worked as headmaster until 1919.
The following worked as teachers: In
Deutsch-Zerne, there was also a kindergarten from 1888 to 1921. It was
conducted by the sisters and closed by order of the Department of
Education. In 1941, a kindergarten was again built by the school
foundation and stood until 1944. There worked: Anna Kampf, Elisabeth
Wirth, Anna Sedlak, Karolina Pfaff, Käthe Sedlak, and Margaret Krisch;
as caretaker, Anna Schleimer.
Until the end of World War I
The German and Serbian elementary school provided successful upbringing and education for a whole decade; for this reason, many students attended higher schools and qualified for the following occupations:
44
After World War I: |
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——————◊—————— |
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45
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Family Life, Customs and Morals |
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The first
settlers of our country were, for the most part, families rich in
children; 10-12 children were not unusual. While the father as head of
the family did his work in the field with the grown children, he also
directed and managed the household; the mother cared for the small
children, kept order in the house and yard, and took care of the bodily
welfare of the household residents. If the children were able to help,
then appropriate responsibilities would be assigned to them and they
would be made to assist.
Our ancestors were very religious. Every Sunday and
holy day everyone went to church except whoever was assigned to prepare
the noon meal. After the meal on Sunday and holy days, the men gathered
in the house, courtyard or at the inn for companionship; the women with
their small children visited relatives, friends, or the neighborhood (Majen),
while the grown children went dancing. The relationship between the
parents and children and vice-versa was characterized by love. The word
of the parents, especially the father, was highly respected, even after
the children married. All these praiseworthy attributes changed over
the course of time. In recent years, spiritual movements, circulated by
written word and the press, influenced the thoughts and actions of man.
Traditional attitudes, opinions, and values were abandoned as
ridiculous and scorned. All of this did not occur without consequences.
The earlier, deeply religious attitude and respect for elders —
especially parents — suffered
greatly, and was further aggravated by the spread of materialistic
thoughts. In spite of this, our people, for the most part, remained
true to the inbred virtues, customs, and morals of their ancestors and
lived their lives accordingly.
We will begin with the start of the church year:
All public merriment was introduced by Kathrein: they said, “Kathrein plays the violin.” On the night before December 6, [St.] Nikolaus came. But we allowed this custom to get out of hand. That is to say, Krampus [traditional devil-like figure] appeared and at first scared the children, but afterwards gave them gifts. |
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46 |
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The most beautiful feast was Christmas. On the afternoon of
Christmas Eve, a group of girls dressed in white trekked from house to
house accompanied by the white (a youth dressed like a white rider on
horseback) and the black (Krampus, with a sack full of [whipping]
rods) and gave gifts to the children after they sang the Christ child
song, which, unfortunately, was never recorded. After they left the
house, they began searching under the Christmas tree for gifts. They
had to see for themselves whether the long-anticipated wishes were
fulfilled. At the evening meal, there was wine soup and afterwards
poppy seed noodles and poppy seed or nut strudel. At midnight, the
group went to early morning service. On the first or second day of
Christmas, the children also received gifts from their godfathers and
godmothers. To ward off sickness from the house, no laundry could be
done between Christmas and New Year’s Day. |
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47 |
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On Easter Day, children eagerly decorated Easter nests. The
Easter bunny laid his colored eggs, sweets, etc. in these nests. |
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Kirchweihfest (die
Kerwei). [Church Consecration Feast] |
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It was celebrated in our sister communities in November on the Sunday after Martinmas [November 11th]. The reason for a feast on this date is thought to be that there should be a feast of joy and thanks for the harvest of the year since it was brought in with such pain and effort. The bouquets and ribbons on the hats of the Kirchweih boys and the wine bottles were symbols of the rich harvest. On these days visitors streamed in from all directions. After the rigorous days of work, it was the most appropriate time for relatives and friends to meet each other again, share joy and sorrows, counsel each other, and dedicate time to cheerfulness, fun, and conversation. The Kirchweih lasted three days; on this occasion, youth played the starring role. For weeks beforehand, the boys would search for a girl (Kerweimensch) for the Kirchweih. The Kirchweih fellows (Kerweibuwe) gathered together in an association and elected two treasurers, a hall and music was sought, and the cost was agreed upon between the host and musicians. On the Friday before the Kerwei, every Kerwei boy brought his hat to his Kerwei girl to groom (decorate). On Saturday afternoon, the youths gathered with the musicians in the courtyard of the community house to fetch the Kirchweih tree. With the brass band, they marched to the church square and set up the tree in front of the rectory. Afterwards, they went to pick up the decorated Kirchweih bouquet |
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48 |
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from the shopkeeper. It was rosemary, decorated
with nosegays and
silk ribbons, which they brought to the first treasurer’s Kerwei
girl. Then on that same evening, the first dance took place, this time,
however, without the decorated hat. On Sunday morning, every Kerwei
fellow visited his girl and received his decorated hat. Wearing this
hat and with the wine flask in hand, he then called on relatives and
godparents and offered them tickets for the drawing of hat and cloth.
Upon this opportunity, he received spending money for the Kirchweih
days. From the inn, the Kirchweih party then marched to the
church in front of the two treasurers. There they formed a receiving
line for the priest. During Mass, the fellows stood in the main
corridor of the church. The priest gave a sermon suitable for a festive
occasion. After the Mass, he was again honored through the receiving
line. Afterwards, honored guests were received: the pastor,
schoolmaster, municipal administrators, judge, and notary. |
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49 |
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humor.
After each stanza, the
musicians
played a corner piece. Note here that Kirchweih members had to
pay the full declared price plus one-tenth of the difference between
the declared price and the cut-off price, whereas a successful bidder
from outside of the group had to pay the full cut-off price. It turned
out that there was never a bidder from outside of the association, for
that would truly have been an expensive amusement. |
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The Marriage |
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After military service, it was time to think of marriage. If a fellow
was not promised to a girl before that, then he looked around at the
available girls. If his choice was agreed upon, then the parents got
together. The parents on both sides met in the house of the chosen one
and negotiated the dowry. If they agreed, then the promise (betrothal)
of the young was made. This happened in close circles; only the parents
on both sides and their counsel (marriage witnesses) assisted. The |
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50 |
betrothal
took place in the
house of the bride’s parents, and on this occasion
the agreed-upon dowry was put into writing in the presence of
witnesses. The transfer of the dowry usually followed the marriage
ceremony. |
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Josef and Maria Barbara Kampf, née Henika, were among the early
settlers. Their house and grounds were determined to be worth 380
florins. They disbursed 150 florin. They had to pay 22 florin yearly
for taxes, deliver 20 Pressburger Metzen [62.5 liters or 7 pecks]
of grain (47 kg = |
51 |
1 Metz), 12 Metz of wheat, 5 Metz barley, 3 Metz of oats, make two long trips on the River Theiss, work 2 joch for free, and still pay for and render 80 days of manual labor to the manor lord. On Tuesday, May 2, 1792, Josef Kampf and Maria Barbara Henika, as well as Josef Stiebel of Eichstatt and Anna Kampf, were married. Josef Kampf received from his parents, Johann Peter Kampf and Anna Katharina née Hartenacker, 100 florin in cash, two horses together with cart, a fully equipped wagon, a plow, harrow, and windmill. His bride received from her mother, Maria Elisabetha Henika née Lindenbaum, 80 florin in cash, a cow, a trunk, a table, bench, chest of drawers, iron skillet, iron pot, and a bed. When she went as a settler to Deutsch-Zerne, she had 10 children. Anna Kampf received from her parents, Johann Peter Kampf and Anna Katharina Hartenacker, 80 florin in cash, a cow, a trunk, a table, bench, iron skillet, and completely assembled bed. Josef Stiebel had 180 florin when they went as settlers to Deutsch-Zerne. Josef Stiebel died on September 10, 1799 and was 33 years old. His wife, Anna Maria Stiebel, née Kampf, married Peter Tines from Charlevill on January 7, 1800. Josef and Anna Stiebel, née Kampf, had two boys and a girl; the girl Magdalena was married to Daniel Koch in Zerne. |
The
Christening |
This joyful feast was celebrated by the family on one of the Sundays
following the birth of a child. On the way to the christening, the
godfather and godmother preceded; the midwife with the child followed.
After the christening was over, they went home; on the way sugar was
given to the gathering children, often joyful shots resounded, fired by
relatives or good friends. At the christening feast (child’s party)
that followed, the relatives, midwife, godfather and godmother
participated. During the first six days after birth, the woman in
childbed received a meal brought to |
52 |
the home alternately from the household of the godfather or of the godmother. It was also customary for the godfather and godmother to give gifts to the godchild at Christmas and Easter. |
The Burial |
When a family member passed away, the dead person was laid out in the
parlor. From the time of lying in state until the burial, relatives and
acquaintances came to the wake to say their prayers at the bier of the
deceased, whereby they expressed their condolences and consoled them.
The burial was done within 24 hours after death. After the ceremony in
the church cemetery took place, the funeral cortege was set in motion.
In front was carried the tomb cross, followed by the cross, flags,
altar boys, the cantor, the pastor, in many cases the choir, musicians,
then the men and finally, the women. The funeral cortege proceeded on
the sidewalk, while the hearse traveled in the street. Behind it went
the grief-stricken family. In many cases before the burial, a vesper of
the dead for the salvation of the deceased was held in the church; then
they continued to the graveyard. When they arrived there, the
pallbearers lifted the coffin out of the hearse and carried it to the
excavated grave or to the family vault, where the dead were interred
after the church ceremony. Usually, six weeks after the burial, a
requiem mass was read for the salvation of the deceased. |
Schwaben Pranks, Jokes, Droll
and Bawdy Events |
The people of our country were serious individuals, but they were not lacking in humor, and they were always ready to make fun of the weaknesses and mistakes of their fellow men — as well as their own — occasionally in an earthy manner, but not with offensive intentions. |
53 |
You all know that Cousin Matz had a vineyard, and you also know that he
had wine. But I know that he always liked the wine at the inn better. |
——————◊—————— |
Before the first World War, the Socialists marched
through the village on May 1 with a red flag and music. The
headquarters of their society was in the Neue-Gasse. The society
representative was Comrade Matz. When it was time to march, the
chairman, Cousin Mischko, said: “Matz, go out there and count how many
are here!” It was known that Cousin Matz could not count very well. He
went out, remained there a while, came in and notified the chairman:
“You are all here.” |
——————◊—————— |
Mischko was a poor man and had a bunch of children. One of his children became sick and died. He went to the pastor and requested a funeral. The pastor asked: ”Should I come to the burial with the new or the old coat?” Of course, with the new coat a burial costs more. |
54 |
Mischko said, “If the new coat pleases you more, you can put it on. I
will only pay for the old one.” |
——————◊—————— |
Brother Joschko loved to go to the inn. The Schnapps and wine always
tasted good to him. One fall evening, he was again at the innkeeper's
and carousing happily. Several men from the fire department also showed
up at the innkeeper's to drink a Spitzer.* After they drank
their wine, they wanted to go home. When they came out of the common
room into the vestibule — there were two doors, one that went into the
dance hall and the other led outdoors — Brother Joschko came out of the
dance hall and says, "It's cloudy and dark like being in a sack, I
cannot see the moon or stars." [*Spritzer: wine
with seltzer.] |
——————◊—————— |
Brother Mischko and Brother Jakob were good friends. They both really
enjoyed drinking Schnapps as well. Brother Mischko was a blacksmith. In
the fall, the farmers delivered the bounty, and since many also had a
vineyard, they also brought along a bottle of Schnapps. Sister Amei,
Brother Mischko's wife, had set the bottle in the pantry. There was
already a whole row of liter bottles of Schnapps. Brother Jakob came to
visit nearly every day. Brother Mischko would then let the anvil idle
while they drank Schnapps. Sister Amei did not care for this, but she
never said anything in the beginning. It eventually became too
annoying, and she scolded the "Schnapps Brothers." When this had no
effect, she hid a liter of Schnapps in the attic granary. |
55 |
"Did
you also bring
Schnapps
home so that we can offer something to the well-wishers?" "Yes, I have
already planned ahead, since you boozers had drunk it all away." |
——————◊—————— Table of Contents |
Associations,
Miscellaneous |
Various organizations and corporations provided for the support of social and cultural life, professional interests, diversion, art, and security of the people. For the most part, they had very high memberships. 1. The Kasino [clubroom] was an association for the upper class. It was created in the 70s [1870s], possessed a substantial library and also served Magyarization (Magyar speech club). The club had a stage where comedies, one-act plays, and theater events were performed in Hungarian and German. Festive events took place in its rooms. The opportunity was provided for many games, like chess, billiards, and cards, too. Magazines and daily newspapers were also available. After World War I, the organization merged with the Landwirtschaftliche Verein [Agricultural Association].
2. The Agricultural Association was founded in 1876 and had an
exemplary tree nursery that was managed by a gardener. Refined fruit
trees, roses and other gardening items, flowers, plants, wreaths, etc.
could be obtained at any time. They not only covered the needs of our
sister communities, but also had customers from other communities. For
a long time, the nursery was managed by Czanik the gardener, later by
his sons Alexander and Josef Czanik. In 1928 it was |
56 |
sold, and with the profits a beautiful clubhouse was built next to the community house. In its rooms were daily newspapers from home and abroad, even illustrated journals. In the great room, various events took place and recitals were held. It offered the opportunity to play chess, billiards and cards, and a large lending library was at the members’ disposal. The last association president was Josef Kampf; his predecessors were Dr. Karl Németh and Franz Kremer, Sr. 3. In the prior century, there had been a Schützenverein [Marksman’s Club]. The commanding officer was Nikolaus Weber, the butcher. In remembrance of this club, the marksman flag still exists and is located at the church.
4. Der Feuerwehrverein [The Fire Brigade Organization] was
brought into existence on March 16, 1884 at the suggestion of the
estate manager Fabian, who also became president of the organization.
The first equipment of the organization was obtained with the support
of the lords of the manor. True to the slogan, “For the honor of God,
for the protection of your neighbor,” it was the duty of the
organization to protect the belongings of the inhabitants in adversity
and danger. The organization fulfilled this duty within the limits of
possibility in an exemplary manner up until World War I. Then their
occupation was temporarily suspended since most of them had to march.
Those draftees no longer carefully fulfilled their duties and the
maintenance of their equipment and property. The task of the
organization extended over all the territory of the sister community,
and it was called the “German and Serbian Fire Brigade.” During the
war, maintenance of the property of the organization was entrusted to
the former commanding officer of the fire department, Franz Kremer, Sr.
According to the by-laws, this property devolved to the first Fire
Brigade, which was the property of one of the two communities. This
happened in Deutsch-Zerne in 1923. (Since a fire brigade was also
started in Serbisch-Zerne, this part of the property organizational
maintenance was ceded to it.) At the startup, they acquired specific
gains: Josef Themare, pharmacist, Franz Pronievicz, and Johann Bodwen.
Its first officers were President Josef Themare, Commandant Johann
Bodwen, and Secretary Franz Pronievicz. After Josef Themare retired,
they elected Franz Pronievicz to the presidency; Professor Hans Tabar
became secretary. In 1928, the organization's |
57 |
flag was blessed by the
apostolic administrator of the Banat, Prelate Kovács, who
performed the act with considerable clerical support. It was a unique
celebration in which, besides the community population and hundreds of
guests, numerous fire departments from abroad and numerous delegations
participated. The mother of the flag was the schoolteacher, Anna Tabar
née Kremer. |
58 |
It was
also the designated
legal representative of academic autonomy,
whereby the state transferred sovereign right over the German schools
to it. It was intended that the Serbians also possess school autonomy
in the monarchy. These rights were even guaranteed to the leading men
of our people by the peace treaty. Afterwards, they would hear nothing
of it and deliberately hindered the expansion of our school system. The
sanctions of the regime at that time narrowed our prospects for making
our school system successful. By order of the administration dated July
20, 1920 (through 1921), all schools were socialized; ownership of
school property by a community and church was made illegal,
expropriated without compensation, and transferred to the hand of the
state. Now the state could unscrupulously enforce its criminal intent,
of which the chauvinist minister, Pribićević, availed himself. The
primary freedoms we had been taught in school were taken away bit by
bit, the operation of the Culture League was discontinued, and its
property was confiscated. Later, when the Culture League was again
permitted to operate as a result of the combative efforts of German
representatives, it could no longer fully perform the tasks allowed in
our area. There was no other alternative than this in any other
organization, respectively, to relocate groups. The Serbians simply
would not tolerate Germans continuing to be taught in their own
language. They spied on every cultural event, harassed the leading men,
made it difficult to get permits, and caused disruptions. Not until the
end of 1930 could the Culture League display a healthy activity.
Shortly thereafter, it was completely absorbed into a country group. |
59 |
dances
and at special
celebrations. After World War I, they reached the high
point in their success. They performed many concerts and were sought
after as a dance band. The band was even invited to play on a radio
broadcast. Unfortunately, the program could not be aired due to adverse
circumstances. Due to disputes, a part of the group separated and
formed a new band under the name Männerkapelle [Men’s Band]. |
|
House No. |
Name |
Family Nickname |
Occupation |
No. of Family Members Residing |
|
||||
1 2 3 4 5 332 6 7 8 9 10 11 333 12 13 14 15 334 16 17 18 335 19 20 21 |
Johann Goldschek Johann Becker Heinrich Bauhof Johann Weissmann Josef Engels Josef Weissmann Matthias Lakatosch Johann Kampf (emigrated) Lenhardt Serwo Anton Spengler Widow Anna Spengler Widow Anna Matje, Son Paul Peter Rausch Julius Hergatt Michael Weron Widow Kristine Weron Michael Spiess Anton Koch Michael Quint Johann Weissmann Widow Katharina Schuld Widow Susanna Schuld Anton Bockmüller Widow Anna Lesch Johann Kampf Widow Magdalena Schummer Matthias Bodwen, Jr. Matthias Bodwen, Sr. Konrad Becker Johann Becker Matthias Tabar Johann Kampf Peter Stuprich Franz Stuprich Johann Kramer Peter Kampf Widow Maria Kampf |
Bockmüllersch Stolze Schnudliche Zigeuner Bascht Phitjes Phitjes Flitje Hanever Hanever Trinais Kläre Soda Matz Kunradts Klärestuprich Klärestuprich Kunradts Kunradts |
Club servant Carpenter Bricklayer Farm owner Farm owner Farm owner Laborer Laborer Laborer Housekeeper Farm owner Laborer Laborer Laborer Housekeeper Laborer Laborer Laborer Shoemaker Farm owner Housekeeper Laborer Housekeeper Laborer Housekeeper Farm owner Farm owner Farm owner Farm owner Soda-water producer Merchant Farm owner Farm owner Farm owner Farm owner Housekeeper |
3 4 5 3 2 3 7 — 3 7 1 2 2 4 4 1 4 2 2 2 3 1 4 1 2 1 4 2 4 2 5 4 3 2 4 4 1 |
61
|
62 |
63
|
64 |
65
|
66 |
67
|
68 |
69
|
70 |
71
|
72 |
73
|
74 |
|
House No. |
Name |
Family Nickname |
Occupation |
No. of Family Members
Residing |
|
||||
Matthias Zapletan Nikolaus Stiebel Nikolaus Kampf Peter Kern, Jr. Peter Kern, Sr. J. Tillschneider Josef Weissmann Josef Bockmüller Widow Eva Neurohr Friedrich Kanton Josef Wagner, Jr. Josef Wagner, Sr. Josef Ludwig Johann Damm Johann Rothenbach Franz Krämer Andor Koch Widow Koch Michael Wurmlinger Johann Koch, Son Anton Matthias Steigerwald Josef Hansinger and Mother Widow Karolina Wilms Widow Karolina Nicka Matthias Maurus and Parents Michael Hönig Matthias Rothenbach Widow Maria Uri Widow Karolina Kern Matthias Schulde Karl Themare Widow Maria Hemmert with Sister Jakob Stiebel Widow Anna Ackermann |
Mause Andrese Trinais Hanes Oschtermer Riemer |
Farm owner Farm owner Merchant Coach builder Coach builder Laborer Farm owner Laborer Housekeeper Laborer Laborer Laborer Carpenter Laborer Farm owner Butcher Iron handler Housekeeper Laborer Butcher Housekeeper Housekeeper Housekeeper Locksmith Laborer Housekeeper Housekeeper Tinsmith Housekeeper Farm owner Housekeeper |
4 2 3 3 2 1 3 2 1 3 4 1 3 3 2 5 3 1 3 4 4 4 1 2 2 4 2 3 3 1 1 3 3 2 1 3 1 |
76 |
77 |
78 |
79
|
80 |
81
|
House No. |
||
Mills Brickyard Tree nursery Lumber yards Granaries Dairies Soda water producers Liquor breweries Hatter business Inns Draperies and haberdashery Haberdashery Hardware and haberdashery store Bakeries Butchers |
Widow Magda Lenhardt Nikolaus Fraunhoffer Josef Czanik Peter Köstner Anton Tabar Josef Krämer Franz Stefik Matthias Tabar Stefan Szanto Johann Hoffmann Johann Bechinger Anton Recktenwald Stefan Szanto Johann Schillinger Nikolaus Schleimer Friedrich Retzler Nikolaus Theiss Michael Wilms Nikolaus Schleimer Gustav Schmidt Matthias Kampf Josef Mayer Hans Kampf Michael Grün Johann Fendt Martin Grabowski Johann Wagner Adam Kaiser Martin Weissmann Nikolaus Fendt Anton Weissmann Franz Nicka Johann Tabar Peter Krach Peter Kaiser Peter Retzler |
164 197 352 396 81 212 121 18 70 287 183 257 70 104 330 230 352 48 110 185 92 169 335 350 399 163 99 255 55 108 170 181 192 199 337 101 |
82 |
83
|
84 |
Streetcar depot Windmills Dairies Photographers Inns and assorted goods Draperies and haberdashery Haberdashery Hardware and haberdashery Bakeries Butchers Threshing machine owner and locksmith's shop Blacksmiths Tinsmiths Wagoner Carpenters Strappers Tailors |
Widow Karolina Nicka Anton Kretler Rudolf Bambach Josef Hansinger Johann Bohr Rudolf Bambach Josef Schleimer Josef Schulz Karl Traub Josef Grün Matthias Habel Josef Petry Nikolaus Kampf Franz Hoffman Martin Martin Andreas Koch Matthias Grün Matthias Rothenbach Franz Krämer Matthias Steigerwald Anton Spuhler Johann Sterz Peter Kalessa Jakob and Josef Wichnal Michael Wurmlinger Ignaz Willing, Jr. Karl Themare Peter Kern Nikolaus Rebel Jakob Winter Matthias Schulde Franz Sensendorf |
85
|
86 |
come in cars and, since partisans wore various uniforms, the Serbians
thought that the approaching autos were partisans and so approached
them with Russian flags, whereupon the shooting began.
This incident was presented differently in other accounts. According to them, destruction was perpetrated in the Serbisch community by this detachment of German soldiers who had come from the nearby Romanian border at Hatzfeld where a few Germans had fled. Five Serbisch men at the border and six in the village committed suicide. About eleven o’clock the Russians arrived and, right after that, they seized seven men who were shot late that evening. According to other reports, there were six German men who were also shot, among them Father Brunet, whom they claimed had been shot in front of the church steeple during the morning of the invasion of the German military division. I do not know if the men were questioned before being shot, but I doubt it based upon what happened later.
During the day the Russians just marched through. But at night
they invaded and plundered German homes. No one resisted
them. On the very first night, Russians raped the women.
The local gypsies did not plunder in the beginning nor did they violate
the women. That first night the Russians came to our house,
too. I hid in the straw with a neighbor. No one was in the
house, only in the tinsmith’s workshop of my men. They took
whatever food was handy and the bed linens from a nearby bed.
Other things were tossed about. My other neighbor E. S. told me
that Russians also plundered their house and raped a woman. There
were two Russians, both of whom abused the woman while they held her at
gunpoint.
Here is an account of the recorded statement of E. S. Because of the rapes — various statements reported a number of especially barbaric rapes, among them one of a nine year old girl — an exceptionally large number of women and entire families committed suicide out of shame and despair.
The next day, Friday, inhabitants of the nearby colonial villages that
had been resettled on the former property of Count Csekonics in 1921
came with the Russians. They began to plunder with Russian
assistance so that in many a home, everything was literally dragged
away. At most houses,
|
98 |
they
tied the horses to their wagons and carted it all away. The local
Serbians only weakly participated. Allegedly, the plundering
actually ceased that day due to intervention by the local
Serbians. On that day German men were abducted and shot in the
parish hall. In the evening, rapes by the Russians decreased
considerably.
On Saturday afternoon, two local Serbians armed with rifles came with a
woman from the area and took me and two other women who were in the
courtyard to the parish hall. When we entered, there were already
eleven women present. Just as we came in, they brought the first
dead out of the cellar and tossed them onto a wagon. A Serbian
woman, about seventeen years old, and a gypsy called upon us to sing;
otherwise we would be shot. Therefore, we sang a song, then we
sang a second, and we repeated until all the dead were loaded onto the
wagon. There were five men. We were not allowed to see who
they were and my friend later told me on the way back that Josef
Hoffman, the locksmith, was among them. Still later we heard that
the others were Heinrich Tides, a laborer (shot because he was a
juror), Anton Schulz, a farmer, Heinrich Schulz, a farmer, and Stefan
Bischof, a farmer.
As the dead were loaded onto the wagon — and with the singing over, two
of us were now forced to clap our hands behind the wagon —, a Serbian
woman came, slapped the young Serbian in the face and shoved him
against the door without saying a word. Another, in a brown
uniform, ordered us to stop. Seven women were made to climb into
the wagon. The others had to remove the bloodstains in the
courtyard. I was on the wagon. Two Serbians and a gypsy
walked next to the wagon. Only the dead and the women were in the
wagon. We drove to the Schinderplatz where the remains of a horse
had been buried earlier, unloaded the dead and drove back; our escort
walked beside the wagon until we reached the parish hall. Outside
we saw where three burials had probably taken place in conspicuous
areas on the ground. As we unloaded the dead, a large crowd of
gypsies stood around with shovels. One of them wanted to
immediately strip a dead body. When a male companion stopped him,
he begged to be allowed just the trousers, which the companion also
refused. No doubt the dead were buried naked since that man later
left
|
99 |
with us. We were then released from the parish
hall. After that, we took the wagon home. It was the
property of one of the men who had been shot.
By the time we got back home, it was already dark. I had hardly finished eating when two Serbians arrived with a Russian soldier and began asking questions, whereby it soon became obvious that the Russian had actually come for my daughter who had fled. Since they could not find her, the Russian attacked us and, as we ran, a Serbian shouted that the young lady should remain. This upset my neighbor, but she rebuffed them and ran away. Across the alley from the courtyard where I had run, I saw them go into the house, plunder it, and throw everything around.
In the second part of the testimony, the witness later stated: I
forgot to mention that rapes were committed mostly by the Russian and
only partly by the gypsy. At first, a partisan tried to rape a
woman but was prevented and incarcerated by their leader Ljubica.
I do not know what happened about it later.
Because of the disgraceful actions of the Russians and partisans, about 50 people hung themselves. In one house, Kaspar Rothenbach, about 70 years old, his wife Eva, his son Johann, the son’s wife Maria, and their daughters Maria and Susanna hung themselves.
The written testimony of farmer Josef Kampf (November 15, 1946), and
the later statements (1956) compiled by him , cite the names of 48
persons from Deutsch-Zerne who committed suicide in one
night. In the written testimony of E. W. and K. B. of
Deutsch-Zerne (January and March 1952), on the first day after the
occupation, the number of suicides due to the threat of imprisonment
and shooting by partisans. and rape by Soviet soldiers and gypsies, is
indicated as 54: 46 persons, men, women and children, are named
here. The former civil servant, Jakob Nickels, wrote in his
testimony (April 2, 1958) that in Deutsch-Zerne 57 persons, including 6
children between the ages of 2 and 10, committed suicide.
In a comparison of the names in these and other reports, it appears that the total number of suicides among the population in both areas of Zerne must be considerably higher. The landowner |
100 |
O. L.
of Deutsch
Zerne asserted in his written testimony (October 15, 1946) that,
altogether, 82 cases were known to him.
According to the statements of P. B. (September 22, 1946), some weeks later the remains of over 70 corpses that had first been buried in yard gardens were put into a mass grave in the Catholic churchyard. Exact identifications are still not known. On Sunday, the Serbians went around and asked us all to commit no more suicide, that nothing more would happen. Individual Serbians still plundered more. After eight days there was peace. I no longer left the house. The grapes from the wine gardens were all cut, taken to Julia-major and processed. Their owners were forbidden to take the grapes. It was made known by drumbeat that plundering was forbidden, that everyone should report cases of plundering. However, when reports were made, people were dismissed with remarks that the plunderer must have taken things for the military, and so nothing was done.
The drumbeat called for more clothes, more laundry, more poultry, more
eggs, etc., to be delivered. Often the people brought so much
that many items had to be taken back, because the present need
had been filled, so later the demand was targeted just toward certain
parts of the village.
Around October 15, all people between the ages of 15 and 60 were made to go to work. It was done collectively, corn cracked, corn husks cut, potatoes stubbed. Even in winter we had to go daily, all men as well as women, to report for work at the community center. The necessary number of workers was kept, the rest was sent home. On October 22, about 150 men from Zerne and other local villages, who had been kept in the community house cellar, were shot, this time at Schinderplatz. Several reports are available about this mass shooting. It took place on October 24; two days after a mass grave had been dug. The exact number of those shot cannot be determined to this day. In the description of his experiences written in several successive letters to his brother (winter 1946/47; photocopies in the document collection), the farmer Josef Kampf indicated 103 persons as the total number; in other reports |
101 |
much
higher numbers were
mentioned. There were men and women from Zerne, Tschestelek and
neighboring villages who had previously been arrested by the district
command partisans in Serbisch-Zerne and shockingly tortured in the
detention cellars. When they were dragged off for execution, the
men who had dug the day before in Hetin, Stefansfeld and Pardan were
then transferred there (even Serbians and Hungarians who were accused
of collaboration with the Germans) and arrested upon arrival.
The course of events of this mass shooting is reported in the written
testimony of farmer Josef Kampf as follows: On that day,
shootings were carried out in all German villages in the surrounding
area. In Nemačka Crnja, they led persons assigned for execution
to the courtroom bound together with ropes. The columns marching
to execution were conveyed to the right and left by gypsies who were
provided with clubs. During the march, the gypsies could satisfy
their grievances and they did so liberally. The gypsies put
particular weight into bludgeoning individuals as they passed their own
houses. If someone collapsed unconscious, he was then carried
along by others with the rope. Gypsies also used their clubs
until the injured man got to his feet. Every now and then, if one
of the beaten could go no further, he was taken to the courthouse by
wagon. All the church bells rang with mockery. Alongside
the death column, Serbian men and boys rode with cowbells that clanked
in discordant harmony.
At the courthouse, the victims were made to undress; any unable to do
so were stripped by the gypsies. Then the condemned stood in
groups of five or six before the mass grave where they were shot with
submachine guns and with single shots from behind. On the meadow
around the Schinderplatz stood hundreds of Serbian spectators to the
occasion. The next group had to push the previous corpses into
the pit if they had not fallen after being shot. However, there
were many in the grave who were not yet dead. Several arose and
turned about in their death agonies, causing laughter among the
spectators . . . Dirt was not thrown on the corpses since room
had to be left for the next set of victims.
|
102 |
Although Mrs. Lina Tillschneider,
who was almost 80 years old, stumbled during the referenced march to
Schinderplatz, partisans did not prevent her from following the
columns. She went along willingly, never suspecting what would
happen. [She] probably resisted outside, so was shot with
the others. Among the persons in this group who were shot are the
names of 6 women alleged to be from Zerne: Lina Schillinger,
about 40 years old; Anna Tabar, 36 years old; Sophia Hepp, 50 years
old; Magdalena Stiebel, 38 years old; the midwife Koch, 60 years old;
and the already named, almost 80 year old Lina Tillschneider née
Kern. On October 24 I witnessed the above-described executions
from a distance.
The written testimony of A. W. of Deutsch-Zerne states: Since I
lived near the village gate, I went to the attic with some others and
looked out at the Schinderplatz. There I saw people being
undressed by the gypsies, having their shoes removed in the community
center, and having to run barefoot to the courthouse. After they
were unclothed, they were first bludgeoned by the gypsies with clubs,
then made to run toward the mass grave and, while running, they were
shot by a man in a trench coat who had a submachine gun. People
were not examined as to whether or not they were dead but were all
thrown into the grave. Many men fell, however, before they were
wounded, apparently fainting with fright. Ljubica, the
local partisan leader, would then shoot them on the ground. I
saw, for example, as eighteen-year old Matthias Grün folded his hands
and probably begged for his life, which did not help at all. He
had to turn again and was finished off by a shot to the neck.
Three transports of people were executed. The shooting began at 4
o’clock. By nightfall, the second transport was still not
finished, and the third was dispatched by moonlight. At
nightfall, I left my eavesdropping post on the ground, but I heard
shooting until almost 9 o’clock. Then the partisans, singing
Serbisch songs, drove back to the village in three wagons.
According to the statements of Josef Kampf and the list of names
compiled by him, on October 24 alone 61 men and 6 women from Zerne were
shot (so far, 82 persons altogether); probably 14 men and 5 women from
Tschestelek were also shot. On November 23 and 25, more
mass
|
103 |
shootings
of 100 men
altogether from Stefansfeld and Pardan were carried out at the
Schinderplatz. On November 7, it was announced that everyone up
to age 60 must go to the school with whatever provisions each could
carry. When no one over 60 remained in the house, the houses
should be locked and the key turned in at the community center.
We were all recorded there. Some were selected as workers in the
hemp mill. Men between the ages of 15 and 60 were separated and
taken to Julia-major. The rest were marched towards Heufeld under
partisan supervision while the sick, children and baggage were loaded
into a wagon.
We left at noon and arrived at Heufeld toward evening. The Heufelders were also assembled. People from other German villages were already there. The next day we continued to Nakodorf. There everyone was housed indiscriminately. On the next day, the Nakodorfers were instructed that each must accommodate still more people, wherever there was space, since people from Kikinda and other villages were already there. Every day we were deployed to work in the fields, on country roads, etc. We remained there 12 days. Then everyone was permitted to go home again, without an escort. However, since only five wagons were available for people from Zerne, many children had to run and others had to be carried. So on November 19 we returned home, everyone to his own house. Most houses, however, had been thoroughly plundered. When we left our keys, notes with names and addresses were tied to them, probably so that the plunderers could more easily find their way because many keys could no longer be found, they had simply disappeared.
After we returned home, we had to work again, as before, delivering
what was previously forgotten: flatware, plates, etc. They
left off flour and meat, since they had sufficient amounts, but dried
fruit, stewed tomatoes, marmalade, sour pickles and the like were now
sought.
On December 28, 1944, women and girls from ages 18 to 30 and remaining men from ages 18 to 40 were led away, allegedly to work in Syrmia; they were told to carry food for themselves for 14 days. But later the Serbians themselves told us that those people were sent to Russia. Almost |
104 |
200 people were abducted from Zerne, mostly women and
girls. According to the statements of Jakob Nickels and the lists
of names arranged by Josef Kampf, 70 women and 9 men from Deutsch-Zerne
were deported to hard labor in the Soviet Union where 8 women and 1 man
died. From the collective “Heimatortskartei für die Deutschen aus
Südosteuropa” (“Homeland Village Files for Germans from Southeast
Europe”), the neighboring communities of Deutsch- and Serbisch-Zerne
lost 17 persons altogether to death in the Soviet Union.
On January 5, 1945, everyone had to leave his home, and crowd together
in the lanes by their houses. Each person was allowed to bring
anything he or she still owned. The livestock remained at the
houses, and every family had to feed its own. However, in many
houses the livestock had been taken from Julia-major to Neuhausen
(owned by a Jew in 1941), which was kept as communal property covering
several thousand Jochs since the adjacent Sallasche and surrounding
fields were part of that property.
On February 15, we worked in the community fields in snow and all kinds of bad weather because too much corn remained unharvested due to bad weather in the autumn. Thus we continued to work until April 18, while in the few houses where we were crowded together, even our endless search for God’s mercy was taken away, so that soon we had nearly nothing left. Testimony follows regarding the construction of a public internment camp for the German people in Zerne on April 18, 1945, the transportation of children and those capable of work to the collection point in Molidorf (Molin) in December 1945 and the conditions there.
Recorded testimony of Margarethe Themare of Deutsch-Zerne (Nemačka
Crnja), District of Modosch (Jaša Tomić) in the Banat.
The establishment of a general internment camp for the German population in Zerne on April 16, 1945, the transfer of those incapable of work, old and ill people, children, and mothers with several children to the collection point at Molidorf (Molin) in December 1945 and the conditions there. The first report contains statements about incidents regarding the occupation of Zerne by the Soviet troops and partisans, the acts of violence and coercive measures against the German people through April 1945. |
105 |
On April 18, 1945, everyone was ordered to take one day’s food to the
Schleimer’s inn. There they confiscated everything, including the
clothes that we wore. Everyone had to take off extra clothing,
and their money, jewelry, earrings, and baggage, even their provisions
down to a piece of bread, were taken away. They even took my
linen thread and needle. We stayed overnight in the inn, the
school, and other places. The next morning, everyone was marched
outside to the meadow, which was surrounded by machine guns.
Children up to age two remained with their mothers, from ages 2 to 15
were separated and divided into three age groups. Those children
were then assigned to be cared for by people over age 50. People
up to age 50 were put into the class of workers, men and women
separately.
A group of 30 younger women was also separated and transported on the
following day to Kalvarienberg Camp in Semlin (Zemum) where several
such transports arrived at the same time from various villages in the
Banat. After several weeks, they were dispersed from there to a
work camp in Syrmien. The majority of these women and girls died
in the winter of 1945/46 (see Report Number 585), many in the central
warehouse of Sremska Mitrovica.
In several statements about the general internment in Deutsch-Zerne, it was reported that some days later, older women and men were removed to the medical camp in Kathreinfeld. A group of over 20 older men who had announced themselves ill were probably murdered on the way there (see also Report Number 39, Section 237, Note 15). When we had been separated, we went to the prepared camps and houses assigned to us. I came into a house of 100 women, becoming woman number 101. We took straw from the yards for a couch. No one got bed linen. Only the linen in baby carriages was left for the infants. Later we received carpets that we had made from rags for covering ourselves earlier in the village. This is how we lived for 8 months, until December 26, 1945. From this camp we still had to go do farm work under surveillance. The remaining livestock were herded together in an alley by the stables, and people over age 50 were appointed to feed them. Feeding took place without guards. At 4 o’clock in the morning, we were given hot soup |
106 |
with salt and lard. At noon, soup with
noodles or just noodles, pea or bean soup and the like. Meat was
never provided. The food was not bad, though, since it was
prepared by our women. In the evenings there was usually a
vegetable or something similar. Over time the meal became more
scant so that we got only 30 grams of flour each. Bread given at
the beginning contained 60 decagrams, then it was reduced, and finally
it was only 10 decagrams. Bread was made from mixing flour with
about 75% corn, but toward the end it was all cornmeal.
On December 26, 1945, children and others incapable of working were
taken to the camp in Molidorf. I was among them.
Soon after, the first transports of Serbians from Bosnia and Montenegro arrived. They were invited as new residents to settle into the homesteads of ousted Germans. The merchant, Matthias Kaiser (see Report Number 39), reported the following information about this:
In the winter of 1945/46, new colonists (from Bosnia) came to Zerne to
settle into the deserted German homes and take over the livestock,
fields, and agricultural devices previously owned by the Germans.
Before these colonists arrived, native Serbians were summoned by the
partisan authorities and, in accordance with the newly developed
“Narodna Dobare” (i.e., People’s Welfare Administration), were
requested to donate food such as eggs, chickens, lard, and other items
to welcome their new brothers and sisters, and to share their own
cooking and baking with the newcomers so that they would feel at home
in their new place of residence. However, when it was announced
that the first transport would arrive in Zerne in 2-3 hours, the
leading authorities developed an indescribable stupidity. They
observed with great astonishment that only a few local Serbians
complied with the request to donate foodstuffs, and scarcely 10-12
women had appeared to be personal aides at the reception inn.
Also, none of the Serbian men and women appointed to light fires in the
stoves of the deserted homes showed up. All of the planned
preparations were unsuccessful. And why the native Serbians did
not participate in the welcoming ceremonies is very
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easy
to understand. First of all: most of the poorer class had hoped that they
themselves would inherit the stolen Schwaben fortunes; and secondly,
the Serbian farmers and intelligentsia wanted nothing to do with
“Titoism,” for they suspected that all or at least part of their fields
and possessions would be expropriated later.
Later in the evening, after our nightly meal, the Kuljic came to our camp with some partisans and forced about 40 camp people into the referenced houses to light the stoves. About 15 women had to go immediately to the reception inn in order to cook and serve the meal to the newcomers, and afterwards they even had to accompany them to their assigned houses.
Then several more transports arrived, and there was intense activity
daily as colonists received furniture, bed linens, clothes and food
from the warehouses. Afterwards, cows, horses and pigs were
allotted to them. All of the above-mentioned originated from us
Swabians, and the camp folks had to calmly transport things from the
warehouses to the houses of the colonists and set up their rooms for
them.
There were even cases where the camp folks had to transport furniture that had once been their very own. We were constantly occupied with the colonists. Our camp folks were daily scheduled to teach these dumb people everything, for they had not the faintest idea about farming or how to feed livestock, how to milk a cow, or how to yoke horses to a wagon or plow, for which you really could not blame them for they came from the mountain regions of Bosnia and Montenegro. The internment camp in Zerne was closed on March 18, 1946. Altogether 167 persons, among them 30 younger women and five youths aged 12, were taken into custody as agricultural workers by the National Welfare Administration; the rest of the internees, among them people over age 50, were remitted to Camps Molidorf, St. George and Rudolfsgnad (also according to the statement of M. Kaiser). For eight long days we received no cooked meals, not even the children. Twice during that time 10 decagrams of bread was allotted but nothing else. Then there was a cooked meal but without salt and without lard. In the morning there was a hot soup with cornmeal, at noon pea or bean soup without salt and without lard, but there were more black beetles in it than peas or beans. Everything was divided, just like in Zerne. There |
108 |
were
Germans in Molidorf from the communities of Modosch, a part of
Werschetz, Heufeld, Mastort, Rusko Selo, St. Hubert, Charleville,
Soltur, Stefansfeld (Supljaja), Nintschitschewo (Pardan), Molidorf
itself, Setschan, and still smaller groups from many other
villages. According to my estimate, there must have been about
7,000, although many had died earlier, especially the Werschetzers, of
typhus. M. M. listed around 68 deaths in the Werschetz group
(among them 54 women) from March 18, 1945 to February 28, 1946;
according to this list of names (which the witness remarked was not
complete), 9 persons died at the end of November; 23 in December; 37 in
January; 9 persons in February; 11 were children up to age 14, 22 were
persons over age 50.
People from Zerne were mostly housed in Molidorf stables. We were allowed to move freely about the village. All of the people who had been there longer were malnourished, emaciated, the children jaundiced and anemic; one could see the hunger in their eyes. The greatest number of deaths were from hunger and/or consumption. The guards were not as malicious towards the people as the commandant himself, a Serbian from the Banat, from Banatski Dvor. He flogged everyone that he could, usually in the most painful way. Each morning at 4 o’clock the bells rang to signal the livestock feeders; they rang later for others but never at consistent times. When they did ring, however, everyone had to be there. Then we were divided respectively to perform the most diverse and unreasonable tasks.
On February 15, 1946, it had rained and many people did not show up to
work. Therefore, several signals rang. As soon as the
stragglers appeared, however, the commandant himself attacked them with
numerous slaps, kicks, etc. Then 12 women were separated in order
to unload food in the neighboring village of Nova Crnja. When
they arrived, their escort left them to themselves and went into the
inn in Nova Crnja. So the women returned alone. Partisans
met them on their way back and instructed them to report to the
commandant. When they reported to him, the commandant punished
them by making them do the “Auf und Nieder" ["Up and Down” — pushups] in muck and
water until they were completely drenched and filthy. Of course
they had no coats beyond what they wore.
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This apparently was fun for the
commandant because on the next day he lined up about 30 women who had
not reported for work the previous day. He led them to puddles,
where the water was almost to their knees, and then ordered them to lie
down in the water. They had to lie there about a half hour,
without being allowed to rise. This happened on February 16,
1946, when there was also a frost. Ten of these women then had to
go to work at Nova Crnja in that condition.
On the way back, two women could go no further toward camp and remained
lying where they were. The next morning they were found
dead. Their kinswomen were allowed to go find them and return
them to Molidorf where they were buried. See also the report of
the camp physician at that time, Dr. Heger, printed under No. 53.
Here I must admit that in Molidorf, they were not buried in mass
graves, but the dead were buried individually. There were no
coffins, but they were put into a bag or old blanket and buried, so
that the gravesites were level with the ground.
On January 27 I was with my neighbor Katharina Köstner on the way to
Nova Crnja. We wanted to go “moonlight” begging, which was
strictly forbidden and punishable by arrest, but hunger drove people to
it again and again . . . So we went out of the camp that night in
order to be back to work early in the morning. On the way,
though, Köstner lost her nerve and we turned around halfway. We
had the misfortune, however, that before we could reach the village, a
carriage carrying our camp commandant appeared. He abruptly
stopped the carriage and asked us where we were going. We
immediately admitted that we had wanted to go begging for bread,
whereupon my companion said in a somewhat nasty tone that only the
hungry go begging, that it was not necessary for those who are well
fed. He sent the carriage away and questioned us repeatedly,
whether we wanted to run away, etc. I took some steps, Köstner
trudged wearily behind, next to the commandant. Suddenly I heard
a sound, turned around and saw that the commandant was repeatedly
punching her in the head. I continued on my way, heard a shot,
turned again, and saw that Mrs. Köstner had collapsed from her
wound. The commandant shouted at me to continue on and commanded
the woman to rise and go to the camp.
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Then he shouted at me again to stop. He came up
to me, held the revolver to my face and asked again if I wanted to run
away; I denied this and explained that if we had wanted to run away,
then we could have done so much more easily from Zerne.
Apparently this made sense to him, and he went to Köstner and ordered
her to come to the camp, which she no longer could do. Then he
went to the camp with me and locked me up for four days and four nights
as punishment.
Here there were officially no meals, only water was provided. The
guard, however, took pity on me, brought water heated at the stove,
gave me a nice piece of bread, and told me that if anyone asked if I
had eaten, I was to answer no as he had given me the bread against
orders. From a “Stražar” (guard) I learned that Mrs. Köstner
groaned the whole night through and towards morning died at the place
where the commandant had shot her.
There were some good, sympathetic men among the guards, but they had to be wary of the others. Our commandant was a downright brute. I never heard his name. His left foot was a little shorter and this deformity seemed to make him want to retaliate against us. It was apparent that he delighted in torturing people.
On February 16, 1946, 80 women and children were detained because they
had been begging. The women were from Heufeld, Mastort,
Werschetz, Molidorf, etc. The village sentries were apparently
informed that on that day many women would go moonlight begging because
the women were ambushed as they returned and shot at without
warning. In one instance, a 65-year old woman from St. Hubert was
shot and the rest were jailed until the next evening. Towards
evening the commandant had them all line up and practiced two full
hours of his popular “Auf-Nieder”, seeking the deepest mud and the
largest water puddles. After two hours they were released to
their houses. Obedience did not give way to insubordination on
this occasion, unlike others, since the guards, armed with automatic
weapons, would have immediately discouraged any such impulse.
At the beginning, when I first came into the camp, wheat was still ground and stored in most houses. It was forbidden. Yet wheat was found in each house in the village of Molidorf with |
111 |
which
we stretched our poor food
supply. As long as there was wheat, we got along reasonably, but
when this was confiscated in January and February, along with the
remaining corn, then our misery became indescribable. Hunger
drove people so far that they began to catch and eat all the cats in
the village. When I mentioned once that a cat was wandering
around near us, someone immediately offered me 30 dinar for it.
(There were some people, those with outside friends of different
nationalities, who were secretly supplied with black-market
money.) It got to the point where you could find no more cats in
Molidorf.
These Auf-und-Nieder” stories and the unbearable hunger led me to thoughts of escape. The commandant’s threat that he would lead us all into two-meter deep water gave me the final impetus. Also, I had snuck into Zerne in November and learned that my husband and my daughter were in Linz, Austria. I made plans with a friend, and we did not tell anyone else. Certainly many would have gone with us, everyone wanted to get the hell out, but we were silent in order that there would be no questions about our escape.
On the evening of February 23, 1946, we made our way, by leaving when
the guards were at their nightly meal, and arrived on Romanian soil on
February 24. There I worked for relatives until the beginning of
June and then went to Linz by moonlight.
A. I. further reported about conditions in the Molidorf camp; she had initially remained in the Deutsch-Zerne internment camp: On March 28, 1946, the sick and disabled were selected from the camps in order to be taken to the camp in Molidorf. Because of my bilious complaints, I reported myself sick and also went to Molidorf. The elderly and children had already been marched there at Christmas . . . When we arrived in Molidorf, the camp inmates ran toward us and asked, as if on command, if we had brought along salt, since all their meals, what little they got, were served without it. We had some salt because we knew for a fact that there was a particular shortage, but nevertheless we had only brought enough for ourselves and had to say no to their |
112 |
having some of ours. We were horrified when we
could scarcely recognize our kinsmen, they were so gaunt and
famished. I only recognized my own father after he addressed
me. A few ragged clothes previously owned by our German people,
brought along by us at great risk, were soon exchanged with Serbians
and a few Hungarians in Molidorf for food. For example, I got a
half-kilogram lard, two kilograms of potatoes and two kilograms flour
for a man’s shirt, three kilograms flour for a new towel.
On April 1, I was assigned as a medical wardress to the patients in the infirmary. I tended the sick in a room where all seven beds were constantly occupied. People were mostly ill with consumption and, on average, one of the seven died each day. When I came to the camp, there were reportedly 6,000 people in the camp. The number of dead daily averaged 25 to 30. We had no epidemic, as had prevailed before, when the typhoid fever had raged. During the typhoid outbreak, most of the victims who died were from Werschetz since they were the first to go to the camp and the most starved.
The sickroom attendants were ordered to inspect every patient assigned
to them, but what good was that! In each room they saw humans
dying. The infirmary was always overcrowded, and we could admit
no more. In the camp there was also a camp physician, Dr.
Steiner, a Jew from Zerne. One must admit that he tried to do
something for the patients, but the possibilities were limited since we
only had some aspirin, quinine, coal dust for diarrhea, and a skin
ointment for skin diseases. The usual treatments were cold
compresses. Today I still do not know whether to laugh or cry,
because we had to fight nearly every illness with cold
compresses. Here I would like to mention that Dr. Steiner,
although he was a Jew, was also dispossessed; even the one piece of
furniture he got after his return was confiscated.
There were no mass graves in Molidorf. The twenty-four old men assigned as gravediggers were required each evening to have at least twenty graves dug in reserve for the next day, even if they had to work late into the night. Each corpse was wrapped in old blankets and buried without |
113 |
ceremony. There were no formalities such as a
wake. Generally, every corpse had to be buried within two hours
of its actual or assumed death.
When I had nothing else to sell and saw that I had physically declined, that only more meals of peas, barley and stuffier groats were to follow in the infirmary, I decided to escape. I told my parents, who lay dying, that I could not wait for their death. In fear that I would no longer be physically capable of escape later, I took my brother’s two children, left Molidorf on June 23, 1946 and went to Hatzfeld in Romania. On July 12, I arrived with both children in Linz. (Transcript record: photostat, July 24, 1946.) ——————◊——————
In his book, “A People Extinguished,” Leopold Rohrbacher describes
conditions after the collapse as follows:
In the Northeastern Banat Hunt
for the German People
The village of Zerne (Deutsch-Zerne) lay in the northeast of the
Yugoslavian Banat. Approximately 3,000 Germans lived here.
Almost 10,000 Germans lived in the neighboring villages of Molidorf,
Tschestelek, Heufeld, Mastort, Hetin, Ruskodorf, among others.
In the first days of October 1944, Russians had already transferred power to the partisans in Cernje. Their governance was needlessly savage and bloody. Gypsies who had their own settlement near Deutsch-Zerne were particularly cruel. Those gypsies who had always been afraid of work, who envied the extremely industrious Germans whose work brought meaningful prosperity and fortune, presently assumed power along with the Serbians, communists and partisans. They |
114 |
let the Germans feel their power and exercised much
brutality. They immediately removed every German belonging that
pleased them, and if they found a German girl or a German wife
desirable, the new masters gave vent to their fury in lustful rage.
The first German who was killed here was Father Franz Brunet; on
October 3, 1944, he was taken from the churchyard and shot by the
partisans for no reason at all. Immediately thereafter, most
German men were taken from their houses by partisan detachments.
Many Germans from surrounding villages were also bound and dragged
here. Also a great number of German women were brought from
elsewhere to Cernje. The first to be tortured and killed here
were mostly wealthy women and the more intelligent Germans. After
the transports arrived here, they were locked up in two large cellars
and held there for weeks. Usually in the evening hours, groups of
the elderly from both cellars were taken and abused and tortured in
every possible way by the partisans. Every partisan or gypsy was
now allowed to act out his rage, let German blood flow and break the
ribs of German people, hit them in the teeth or possibly even liquidate
them. The number of German civilians who never returned from
those tortures to the others in the cellar is overwhelming. They
created a corral in Schinderwiese and would pen them there, like
restrained cattle. Whenever the number of Germans in the cellars
declined, they brought in new members of both sexes in order to treat
them the same way as those already killed.
They were particularly ruthless and vile toward German women.
They treated them like indescribable animals. One evening, a very
beautiful woman was among those brought out by the partisans from one
of the two cellars. For a long time she had to endure every
possible torture from the partisans. She was forcefully stripped
naked, and when she still did not submit, hot irons were pressed all
over her naked body by the lecherous partisans and gypsies. With
deep skin burns over her whole body, she was then pushed down the
staircase to the cellar by the partisans. For two whole days this
woman writhed on the ground in agony while her fellow captives
watched. Then finally, after two days, she died in the cellar
from her cutaneous burns.
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On October 8, 1944, a group of
high-spirited, drunken partisans invaded the cellar. Among them
was a drunken officer with a submachine gun in his hand. All the
Germans were forced to stand and line up next to each other against the
cellar wall. The drunken officer then fired haphazardly and
without cause into the group standing before him. Immediately
many Germans rolled in their own blood. Some of these, e.g., the
farmers Anton Kampf and Josef Maier from Zerne, continued to live in
the cellar for a few days— one who was shot in his lung and the other
in the knee — without bandages or medical help. Not until October
12 were they both removed from the cellar and shot. Meanwhile,
the torturing and individual liquidation of the rest of the Germans
locked up in the cellar progressed day-by-day, night-by-night without
interruption.
On Sunday, October 22, all the remaining Germans from Zerne who were
not yet in the cellars had to dig a large mass grave at
Schinderplatz. It was 25 meters long, 6 meters wide and 3 meters
deep. On Tuesday, October 24, the new village authorities made a
public announcement by drumbeat on the streets of Deutsch-and
neighboring Serbisch-Zerne that all Germans would be killed. The
Serbian population and gypsies were invited to come to the
Schinderplatz to see the Germans publicly massacred. And it was
on this day, at 2 o’clock in the afternoon, that 174 Germans, including
50 women, were bound together with wire and led out from the cellars
where they had been held for weeks under constant abuse and disfigured
almost beyond recognition. There they were stripped naked and
shot before a crowd of Serbians and gypsies. The Germans, bound
in groups, were forced toward the mass grave, shot, and then shoved
into the grave by partisans. The clothes of the dead were ordered
by the new authorities to be sent to Zerne by wagon, sorted and
distributed to Serbian and gypsy population. On the very next day
these people strutted around wearing the clothes of the slain German
men and women.
This mass execution was hardly over before the new authorities
announced in the streets where Germans still lived that all remaining
Germans would be slaughtered that evening. Armed gypsies
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116 |
ran from
house to house and told the remaining German women and girls that they,
the gypsies, now had the authoritative power, right and permission of
the village to rape and slaughter German women and girls at will.
Not many Germans chose to wait for defilement and subsequent slaughter
as announced by the gypsies, especially in view of recent
circumstances. Therefore, in their despair, on the evening of
October 24, 1944 in the village of Cernje, no less than 75 decent
German human beings, mostly women and girls, took their own
lives. Whole families went voluntarily to their deaths.
Women threw their small children into wells and jumped in after them,
other mothers took their children, hung them, and then hung themselves
alongside. Even the old Mayor Peter Stein and his wife Susanne
committed suicide. Johann Goldscheck had been killed as
previously described. His wife and daughter-in-law were raped by
gypsies in the presence of two of their children. Immediately
thereafter, all four took their own lives. The wife of Kaspar
Rothenbach, named Eva, the wife of his son Johann, named Maria, and
both of their daughters, about 20 and/or 22 years old, were also raped
by the gypsies. Afterwards, all six committed suicide. They
hung themselves in a row in the attic of their house. These are
only some examples. They illustrate and substantiate how the
monstrous new people’s democratic regime, communist partisans and
gypsies so atrociously ravaged this village.
After many more were liquidated in the death cellars of Zerne, where
new victims arrived almost daily from surrounding villages, those
remaining in the two cellars were brought out on October 25.
There were still 480 Germans alive, including 80 women. Again
they were all tied together with cord and wire and, while being
constantly taunted and physically abused, were driven by heavily armed
partisans to the adjoining agricultural property of “Julia
Major.” From there they were to be assigned to various types of
heavy hard labor. At every possible opportunity, individually or
in groups, still more were killed in the cruelest manner.
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Thus, on November 15 and 16, 1944,
one hundred Germans were shot at one time. Among them were 67
farmers from the purely German village of Stefansfeld and 33 Germans
from Pardanj. These shootings were ordered by a Serbian woman, a
partisan. In 1941 her husband, armed only with a handgun, had
single-handedly opposed German troops marching into the territory, had
shot at them and had fallen in battle. So his wife now wanted to
see the blood flow from one hundred defenseless, unarmed German
civilians, and she achieved her purpose.
Among the German civilians locked up in the cellars were also German
refugees from Romania and a German prisoner of war officer named Hans
Konrad from Hatzfeld. This man could not work due to physical
injuries he had incurred under torture by the partisans. For this
reason his liquidation was ordered by the partisans. His wife was
also in the camp. When he was led out to be shot, she left her
work group and hurried to him. She reached him just before they
were ready to shoot. She wrapped herself around him and declared
that she did not want to be parted from him. They were both shot
at the same time, although they were not Yugoslavian citizens.
This happened on November 9, 1944. On the same day, eleven
persons altogether were liquidated. They were mostly the sick and
those who had become disabled as a result of abusive injuries.
The order to shoot came from camp commandant Ban. Karadjordjevo.
He had previously shot numerous Germans in Kikinda and later boasted of
his actions in “Julia Major.”
On a cold New Year’s Eve 1944/45, about midnight, all German camp
inmates were chased out of their accommodations. First they were
made to stand and wait for a long idle time in the snow and cold
weather, then they were ordered by the partisans to do “auf und nieder”
in the snow for about an hour. Whoever did not push up and down
fast enough was dreadfully beaten. Even the women had to take
part in these nightly exercises. A pregnant young German woman
named Theresia Moll from Tschestelek, the wife of a German officer from
Romania, was forced, despite her Romanian citizenship and referenced
condition, to perform the same exercise in the cold and
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snow along with all the other men and
women. Soon after this punishment, she bore a child who died
almost immediately. The partisans justified their persecution
because, on that same New Year’s Eve, the radio had broadcast a speech
given by a German minister, and for as long as the speech lasted, the
defenseless German civilians, men and women, should be subjected to
mass torture. Then, on April 18, 1945, the last Germans who still
remained there and in the Zerne village on the Lebel were driven out of
their houses and into the concentration camp. Again in the
evening of April 19, 22 old people who could no longer work were
selected, driven away from the camp and shot at Schinderplatz without
reason or orders, just because they were old and disabled. Often
during the following days, German women and men were taken out at night
and killed for no reason. Many young women also continued to
disappear at night. Most of them are probably buried at the
Schinderplatz in Zerne.
——————◊——————
What happened in Zerne? Analysis of a Dark Chapter
The well-known 1954 Beatus Streitter novel “Nové,” published by the
Stocker publishing house (Graz), is dedicated “to the memory of the
girls from Cernje.” It is for the following reasons: In the
changing days of partisan despotism, indescribable atrocities were
committed, mostly by gypsies, in the Banat farming village of Zerne
(Cernje). In order to escape the threatened rapes and continuing
executions, altogether 75 Zerne residents committed suicide on October
24, 1944. The account of these events as presented by Rohrbacher
in his book, “A People Extinguished,” is disputed. What really
happened in Zerne? For clarification of this dark chapter, we ask
the fellow countrymen of Zerne to share their position.
Mrs. Spitz of Los Angeles, who lived in Zerne during that time, sent us a list of names for those from Zerne whom she had personally known to fall victim to suicidal insanity: Gertrude |
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Goldscheck;
Kathi
Becker (and two children between
the age of three and five years); Peter Stein and wife; Michael Schulz
and
wife; Nikolaus Gross and wife with daughter Magdalena Grün; Anton
Kampf; Anna
Kampf (poisoned); Katharina Lischeron (and nine year old child as well
as
mother née Hoffmann); Franz Konrad and wife; Matthias Bambach and wife;
Josef
Wirth and wife; Josef Fassbinder; Kaspar Rothenbach and wife; Johann
Bothenbach
and wife as well as two daughters between the age of eighteen and
twenty years;
Nikolaus Stiebel; Agathe Kampf and nine year old son as well as mother
née
Kern; Jakob Stiebel and wife; Therese Hönig and 23 year old daughter;
Magdalena
Franz and two sons between the age of nine and eleven years; Franziska
Franz
and eight year old daughter; Johann Hansinger; Anton Weissman; Matthias
Kampf
and wife (the wife was cut down and is said to have died while
fleeing); Josef
Hoffmann and wife with two children (the children are said to have been
rescued
from the well). (Published in “Neuland” on
November 16, 1932)
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People
Lost Due to World War II Died in Deutsch-Zerne Camp: Josef
Kampf
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Shot at Deutsch-Zerne Camp:
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Died
in Kathreinfeld Camp:
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Died
in Rudolfsgnad Camp:
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121
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123 |
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Died in Gakovo Camp:
Died in Mitrovica Camp Between December 15, 1945 and March 1946:
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124 |
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The Honor
Roll in World War 2:
The Missing in World War 2:
|
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125 |
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Died in Sankt Georg Camp:
Died in Kikinda Camp:
Died in Bor Camp:
The Kidnapped Who Died in Russia:
Men Over Age 70:
The Following Persons Despaired in October 1944 in Deutsch-Zerne and Ended Their Lives by Hanging:
|
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126 |
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The Following Persons Poisoned Themselves:
The Following Persons were Killed on October 24, 1944, Shot at 3 O'Clock in the Afternoon at Schinderplatz, and Thrown into a Mass Grave:
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127 |
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——————◊——————
|
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Momentous Decision
The preceding contributions give us a picture of what inhumane
suffering our people endured at the end of the war and
afterwards. Hunger, destitution, and death were their constant
companions. Fiends, robbers, thieves and murderers who were
driven by hate, revenge, and greed determined their fate.
Therefore, it soon became clear to our people that there would never be
good times for them in the homeland again, and their lives could only
end by lingering illness or violent death. Sick, weak, and
drained of despair, they now sought a way out, to flee from this hell
and its minions. There could only be one way, to escape. It
was a life and death risk. They knew
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128 |
that
the route would be
long, dangerous and far. If they were captured, they would be
subjected to inhuman tortures or simply shot. Nevertheless, it
had to be dared! Secretly, they tied their remaining shabby
belongings into a bundle and waited for a favorable opportunity.
When the right moment came, they turned their weighty resolution into
action. With one hand on the bundle and the other on the children
— provided that the little ones had not been placed in another camp —
many mothers set out toward the unknown during the night and fog, often
in extremely cold weather. Their companions were their old, weak
parents. If they could not travel far into the long journey, they
had to be left to their fate with a heavy heart. A truly
harrowing situation!
If they reached their first goal, which was to cross the border, they
could finally sigh with relief, but the unknown future, the fate of
their beloved spouses, the lot of parents and relatives left behind,
would not let them rest. Was the husband, the father, still
alive? Would they ever see each other again? These fearful
questions remained unanswered. To be taken in by good people,
perhaps by relatives, allowed momentary relief, but it could not be the
final solution. Scarcely had the excitement, fear, and shock of
the past few days subsided, when the demands and obligations of life
became apparent. They could not allow these people who received
them to carry the entire burden, so they had to strive to become
responsible for their own subsistence. Even if they found work
and could provide for their own needs to at least some extent, they
were still in constant danger of being traced by the occupation forces
or authorities of their respective countries, and perhaps even deported
back to their homeland. The mere thought of it called to mind all
the martyrdom and suffering, deprivation and harassment. These
concerns and agitations had no end, driving the fugitives to flee even
further away. During sleepless nights, all imaginable
possibilities were pondered, examined, rejected, and then reconsidered,
until they finally resolved to continue on their way to Austria or
Germany, where they hoped to find a permanent home.
|
129 |
This was a difficult undertaking because their existing means were not
even enough for the journey, let alone for guides to cross the
border. Wide distances along the way meant that a few days or
weeks of rest must be taken during the journey in order to acquire new
means to travel further. Thus, their last usable belongings and
valuables — if they still had any — were sacrificed for this
purpose. If their luck held, they arrived at their destination
after extreme exertion and privation; however, those who were followed
by misfortune were often imprisoned for weeks before they reached their
goal. Those who successfully completed the long, difficult
journey – and that was ten thousand of our countrymen – landed in a
camp or on a farm in the country. They were now free from worry
about living day and night with the fear and anxiety of falling into
the hands of the minions from Hell.
The conditions here were also bad. The countries had been
devastated by the war, cities lay in rubble and ash, traffic was
paralyzed. Housing shortages, misery, and lack of all necessities
also prevailed here. But it must be said, with acceptance and
gratitude, that the people and public authorities of the countries of
refuge undertook every effort that was humanly possible to overcome the
disaster. Local and foreign charitable organizations gradually
stepped in. Slowly but steadily, order was applied to the chaos
caused by the war. After years of severe adversity and
deprivation, improvements began to appear. Life began to
normalize; by the most diverse connections, they began to contact
relatives, acquaintances, friends, neighbors, and fellow
countrymen. They exchanged messages and experiences, became
acquainted with the fate of their loved ones. The Red Cross and
various search agencies carried out work that can hardly be
overlooked. Because of their beneficial operations, many families
were reunited. They even provided certainty as to the fate of
prisoners of war, husbands, fathers, and brothers. Meetings of
village and homeland associations also conveyed this. Many
received positive, joyful news, but so many others experienced bitter
disappointment because they had to finally acknowledge the loss
of
|
130 |
one
or more loved ones. Prisoners of war returned home and were
gradually reunited
with wives, children, and parents — if they were all still alive —
often after many years of absence, and could celebrate the happy
reunion.
However, life with its inexorable demands, the difficulties of everyday
life, again surfaced. Everyone expressed the same question and
concern: How should they face the future? Their prospects
were only somewhat promising. Where and how could one best
develop a new livelihood? What can the grown children expect from
the future? Plans were considered and rejected until they found a
final resolution. Many saw a future in their country of refuge;
others considered emigrating overseas where relatives or friends
encouraged the possibility. Here it should be mentioned that our
overseas friends and countrymen, during the time that we suffered
privations and loss — either personally or by means of their
organizations — supported and attempted with energetic assistance of
every kind to alleviate our distress, for which they are entitled to
our utmost thanks.
The decisions of our countrymen resulted in the fact that we found new
homelands, scattered today among many countries of the world, and built
a new way of life. It cost much work, sacrifice, sweat and labor
to master this task. The effort absorbed our entire strength and
brought us respect and appreciation everywhere we established
ourselves. The most important countries for our countrymen are:
1.
Federal Republic of Germany (207 families). Especially:
Munich area (Karlsfeld), Bodensee region (Tettnang), Baden-Württemberg,
Rheinland-Pfalz, Nordrhein-Westfalen, Hessen, Niedersachsen.
2. Austria (124 families). Especially: Linz, Vienna, Wels, Salzburg. 3. U.S.A. (217 families). Especially: Chicago (Illinois), Cleveland, Cincinnati (Ohio), Philadelphia (Pennsylvania), Detroit (Michigan), California, New York, New Jersey. 4. Canada (44 families). Waterloo, Kitchener (Ontario). 5. Argentina (67 families). 6. Other lands (14 families).
Despite the pride we feel each time we learn what joyful progress our
countrymen have made, and how they brought respect and prosperity
everywhere they settled, we are also overcome with quiet nostalgia at
the memory of bygone days. Our countryman, Nikolaus Kampf (Kläre
Klos),
|
131 |
gave
the expression “Schreiwes” new meaning in 1971. He describes the
changing of our times in his own dry, humorous way, and with a kind of
easy, implied irony as follows:
Because I have no clue about politics, ——————◊——————
Homeland, Politics and Our Destiny
What is a homeland? This term is difficult to determine or
define. We understand homeland to be the parental home, the place
where we were born, where our cradle stood, where our first words were
spoken while in our mother’s lap, where we dared to take our first
steps, where, from within the circle of family and beyond, we
experienced youthful bliss. Homeland is where we lived, worked,
played, where we felt safe even as victims, for we were ready at
any time to lay our lives on the line. To us, the homeland is
something precious , the place we love, whose wellbeing we fear for.
|
132 |
Each person has a homeland to be proud of. By a merciless and
cruel fate, this possession was taken from us. There were two
peoples who questioned our right of domicile and made it a contentious
matter in the course of history: Hungarians and Serbians.
Were they right?
In the ninth century, Hungarians took possession of the country within
the area of the Carpathians. They were a warlike people who
undertook looting expeditions into neighboring nations, attacked and
robbed them, and returned home enriched with their booty. In the
beginning, the attacked were no match for the lightning raids of these
horsemen. However, there soon came a time when neighboring
peoples — particularly Germans — taught them to successfully defend
themselves and inflict devastating defeats. Thus the Hungarians
came to deliberate and gradually adapt to their neighbors’ way of life,
and were converted to Christianity. Along with Christianity they
were gradually introduced to the western way of life. Soon their
first king, Stefan the Holy, invited Germans to his country.
There should be people with different trades and occidental cultures
introduced. His wife was Gisela, a Bavarian princess, who fully
supported and encouraged him. Their people came under the sphere
of western peoples. Several times in the course of Hungarian
history (Géza II, Béla IV), German settlers were invited to the country
to train the people in various trades (mining industry) and
handicrafts. It was Germans who built the first cities and
administered them according to the laws of their native towns.
The kings conferred special rights and privileges to them, which made
it possible for them to lead lives just as in their motherland.
In this way, they became the instructors of the Hungarian people
(Zipser, Siebenbürg Saxons). In the year 1526 the Hungarian army
was totally destroyed by the Turks at Mohács. King Ludwig II,
most of the aristocracy, and the upper ranks of the clergy were killed
on the battlefield. The remaining nobility was divided after the
dreadful event and selected two kings, a Hungarian and the Hapsburger
Ferdinand. While inner conflicts ravaged the country, the Turks
conquered nearly all of Hungary and advanced to Vienna. The
entire Western civilization and Christianity along with it were
endangered. In the crucial battle at Vienna (1683), the Turks
were defeated and eventually forced out of Hungary. Who freed
this country? It was German armies under the supreme command of
Prince Eugen, by order of its emperor and the king of Hungary,
|
133 |
who
achieved this task. The Hungarians were much too weak for it, and
only a small fraction of them followed the liberating army.
Settlement of the country followed the liberation. After enduring
nearly two hundred years of Turkish rule, there was no
population. Germans were again mainly consulted. The short
history of settlement can be reread in other places; in the old Banater
language, it can be summarized: “The first found death, the
second fought adversity, only the third had bread.”
Initially after settlement, the territory remained under the protection
of the emperor. After compromising with the Hungarians, it was
annexed to Hungary. As long as the Banat was under the protection
of the emperor, our national security ensured that special rights were
bestowed on us since our settlement was actually just a part of the
resettlement from the western portion of the emperor’s domain into the
eastern part. With the advent of the compromise with Hungary,
however, we were claimed by political cunning. We were simply
sacrificed and forgotten in the large scheme of things.
We were separated from the motherland. When the Mackensen army
was relocated into the Banat and war operations against Serbia began in
World War I, not just simple soldiers but also high-ranking officers —
who one might expect to know of our existence — were joyfully surprised
and astonished to find flourishing German cities and villages
here. Unfortunately for us, that was a sad but true
statement. Adam Müller-Guttenbrunn expressed it this way:
“There burns a pain, as a child’s tears burn,
When the Hungarians first began to rule, they aspired by all means to
advance Magyarization. Unfortunately, they only succeeded in
winning by temptations and seeking privileges for themselves.
They gave up their German names, their nationality, and their native
language and
|
134 |
professed
themselves to be Magyar (Magyaronen). Shortly before World War I, I myself began to
feel a national movement, first in Werschetz and surrounding areas and
Pantschowa. But the greater awakening took place only after World
War I was over. Adam Müller-Guttenbrunn wrote the following lines
about the situation before the turn of the [19th] century:
“Who accuse the Schwaben as foreign to Hungary?
The Treaty of Versailles terminated the first World War. This was
a treaty dictated out of blindness and hatred that by its very terms
carried the germ of World War II. They crippled a great power that had
played a prominent role in Europe for centuries just to satisfy the
will of a few, crude politicians. They decided the fate of many
peoples, crushed the proof of their worth, and replaced it with
guilt. Today they are anxious and eager to unite Europe, not only
economically (EWG), but also politically, so that it may then become a
native country for many peoples. Is that not what Austria-Hungary
was, and was not our Banat a small image of Austria-Hungary? Only
foolishness could shatter it and replace it with the rule of such
people who had never played a significant political role in the course
of history.
At the end of World War I, our fate was handed over to Serbia, who could exist only with the support of Russia and France, and today Yugoslavia also exists in such a way that, depending upon the political climate, it now borrows from the East, then from the West. The political megalomania of these people, who were the direct cause for the outbreak of World War I, can never provide historical grounds to claim our presence in the Banat as illegal because of the special autonomous rights we possess, conferred by German emperors as well as Hungarian kings. At the beginning of their exercise of power, the Serbians presided with mildness. They approved our mother tongue as the language of instruction in the schools, and a Culture League was approved, even promoted. That served the purpose, however, of separating the Germans |
135 |
from
the Hungarians
because a union between these two peoples would have made the Serbians
a minority in the Banat. As long as these two lived in discord,
the Serbians had time to stabilize conditions. The first warning
signs of what the Serbians intended for us were at the peace
talks. They wanted to have the territory assigned to them, but
probably not the population. That was not successful for them,
but their plan continued to exist. After the peace treaty was
signed, they gradually changed their behavior, and their insidious game
openly came to light.
In the cause of agrarian reform, they expropriated the [Csekonics]
estate on which thousands of minority families (German, Hungarian,
etc.) earned their means of livelihood. This was exclusively
distributed to Serbian war volunteers (Dobrovoljacen) and other
Serbians. Thus, the livelihood for the families of national
minorities was eliminated , and the Serbian element was strengthened.
The second measure was to remove the expert and proven civil servants
from Hungarian times and replace them with their people, who had no
basic technical knowledge. The few old officials who were left in
their positions were allowed to do their work, but the new people spied
on them, denounced them, exploited them, and campaigned for the
governing party in each case, whereby they need not hesitate to use
threats and harassment. Police were even emplaced to aid the
oppression.
In our preferential status, we were allowed to pay more and higher
taxes than the Serbians.
The Culture League, which they had authorized, was dissolved
immediately, its property was seized, and its leaders were incredibly
tormented. German delegates were even flogged on their way
through the Serbian mob to vote, their meetings disrupted and
dissolved. Their delegates issued an insulting speech
prohibition. On election days they broke the windows of the
German populace. Conditions were particularly bad in villages of
mixed populations.
How savage the political customs of the whole country had become is
proven by the fact that the leaders of the Croatians were shot in a
meeting of Parliament.
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136 |
After the occupation, the mother tongue was introduced to the schools
as the language of instruction. It did not, however, last very
long, and gradually everything was changed. It got to the point
that the second grade was required to learn the subject of national
language, starting in the third grade a number of national topics
(history, geography) had to also be taught in Serbisch, and by the end
of the fourth school year, the children had to be able to write German
in Gothic and Latin script, Serbian in Cyrillic and Latin script.
It is not difficult to imagine what became of that! Our political
leaders demanded that school autonomy be granted to us, which was
rejected with indignation. In Hungarian times, this right was
also granted to the Serbians, yet they were always trumpeting to the
world how the Hungarians oppressed them. As a result of its
public education, a flourishing Serbisch culture and literature
developed. Their culture organization “Matica srpska” was not
hindered from developing active and expressive cultural works and
education, as appears in its annals. Their seat was in Neusatz
(Novi Sad), which is why this city is also called Serbian Athens.
The path to public service was also barred to Germans or members of
other national minorities. Nevertheless, in the rare instances
when they succeeded, they could only get subordinate positions, and not
responsible or leadership posts.
In order to withstand the areas of economic strain, we were forced to
create pecuniary institutions, like Agraria, a central credit bank and
other branch organizations, which excited new distrust and became
another stumbling block.
The diligence and economic efficiency of our people, which are usually
considered human virtues and which lead to material prosperity, instead
provoked envy and hatred, and were, to the Serbians’ way of thinking,
increasingly aroused in public places, often even in front of the
church.
The constant pressure to which we were exposed finally resulted in
counter-pressure. Thus emerged a modernization movement, which
created discord within our own ethnic group, but its very appearance,
marching music, parades, had a tendency to create ill will among the
Serbians, and caused ever more dangerous threats. Then when the
war broke out, hundreds of hostages were kidnapped — no doubt could
exist about their final fate — and the wave of terror that
fell
|
137 |
over
us was probably
only relieved by the initial success of the German troops. Is it
any wonder then that we Germans met the appearance of German troops
with thankful relief, because they had freed us from the increasing
pressures and harassment. We had no clear idea of what political
conditions and efforts were in the realm, and what we tried to imagine,
as one from personal experience discovered later, was to a great extent
false.
After the occupation, a police force of able-bodied Germans was trained
to maintain order and security, whose assembly aroused no
suspicion. As it was when the “Prince Eugen” division was formed,
this was met with mixed feelings, but their deployment into the Serbian
area was the biggest mistake that the German leadership could have
made. We thereby increased the pretext to label us as traitors,
and the hatred from the opposition was immeasurable, which finally led
to the annihilation of our people. That our escape was prevented
— for which our peoples’ group leadership was also guilty — increased
the extent of the disaster, for then more than a third of our people
were victimized.
There are various reasons why our history of so many years ended
tragically. The national consciousness of people, awakened toward
the end of the last century [19th], led to rampant chauvinism,
which
soon became a great danger for our people. While this attitude
slowly became the common mindset of other people and affected and
dictated their actions, our people remained virtually unaffected by
it. When we finally became aware of the danger that threatened
us, it was too late. By the cunning alienation of our
intelligence by the Magyars, by nearly completely banishing our mother
tongue from the schools, and with their success at putting our
nationality consciousness to sleep, our people suffered an irreparable
loss of assets, including enforced widespread birth control.
During the shrewd introduction of Magyar dominance over us, the Slavics
tried to brutally annihilate us. Through the panslavic movement,
through their secret society, the Sokol, through chicaneries and
aggressions of every kind, through the denial of our rights, we
|
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138 |
||||
were
to be annihilated and robbed of our homeland in the most gruesome
manner. They succeeded.
The only lesson that we can learn from history, not just for ourselves,
but for all mankind, is the following: Only mutual understanding,
respect for fellow men and their differences, and love among deserving
people can protect us and the greater part of humanity from future
catastrophes, and preserve the peace.
——————◊——————
Zerne People Living in Chicago
The largest number of our Zerne compatriots found a new home in Chicago. In a strange environment, they — apart from a small group of prior immigrants — gradually settled down and found a new livelihood there. They became citizens of a world power, the USA, a country of unlimited possibilities that, in the past as well as in the present, had already achieved admirable technological and economic accomplishments. The liberal tradition of this country, which has always revered the freedom and dignity of men, does not limit a citizen’s right to unrestricted development. The general circumstances and common desire to protect and maintain the social life and mother tongue in a foreign country, to pass the manners and customs of our ancestors to succeeding generations, were the probable motives that led to the establishment of the Zerne Recreation Club on September 23, 1956. The club holds a general meeting each month. This takes place every second Sunday of the month, at 2 o’clock in the afternoon in the Donauschwaben Hall, 4219 Lincoln Avenue.1/ The first executive committee consisted of the following: |
||||
President:
Vice-President: Secretary: Treasurer: Trustees: |
Josef Hoffmann Dr. Rudolf Hatz Matthias Rothenbach Peter Kampf Anton Kampf, Ignaz Rauscher, Josef Krämer |
|||
__________________________________________ |
||||
1/ In 2003: Zerner Vergnuegungsverein c/o Mr. Ignatz Rauscher, President 22406 Bertha Lane Barrington, IL 60010 |
||||
139 |
||||
Registrar: Bartender: Raffle Committee: Honorary Members: |
Johann
Michels Johann Zachari Anna Hüpfel, Magdalena Pape, Anna Schneider, Magdalena König Josef Schamber Matthias Leitermann |
|||
The club immediately developed creative activities and also enrolled
members from other neighboring villages in the old homeland.
In 1964, the club activities expanded. They understood the
necessity of providing children with supplementary instruction in their
native language. This led to the founding of the Zerne Weekend
School. The first teacher was Arthur Schmidt of Betschkerek.
Now the number of events increased. In addition to the most
beloved youth celebration, the “Kirchweih” [Church Consecration],
where up to 600 guests were present, they now held festivities at
Christmas and Mother’s Day. The students of the weekend school
organized the program for these latter two events. They were
attended by a pleasing number of guests, and words of praise were found
in the weekly German language papers, “Sontagspost” [“Sunday Post”]
and “Eintracht” [“Unity”]. Even the quarterly “Neuland” [“New
Land”] in Salzburg recognized the club activities from time to
time. Since 1966, instruction at the weekend school has been by
the married couple, teachers Arthur and Wilhelmine Schmidt. Fifty
students, who are divided into 4 classes, attend the lessons.
Instruction takes place at St. Alphonsus Catholic School every Saturday
from 9 to 12 twelve o’clock.
The executive committee of the club for the year 1971 consists of the
following homeland people:
|
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President: Vice President: Honorary President: Secretary: Finance Secretary: Tickets-Treasurer: Registrar: Bartender: Supervisory Board: |
Peter
Juraschitz Josef Hauser Fabian Helmer Peter Huhn Andreas Mussar Hans Hepp Christoph Grün, Jr. Matthias Schäfer Peter Kampf, Peter Hoffmann, Hans Mussar, Martin Juraschitz |
|||
140 |
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Kitchen Committee: Chef: Raffle-Committee: |
Marie
Mussar, Ida Schäfer, Elisabeth Juraschitz Elisabeth Juraschitz Katharina Berenz, Anna Helmer, Magdalena Straub, Elisabeth Schummer, Marie Cromay, Käthe Bappert |
|||
School Board 1970—1971 | ||||
Chairman: Secretary: Cashier: Supervisory Board: Teaching Staff: |
Matthias
Brenner Hedy Grün Rita Schäfer Wilhelmine Brenner, Anna Hepp Arthur Schmidt, Wilhelmine Schmidt |
|||
Membership on January 1, 1970 | ||||
|
||||
The example of our compatriots in Chicago not only earns our
recognition but also inspires our admiration. All members deserve
our thanks, but particularly those officers who exercised such selfless
and conscientious deeds over the course of years. Special thanks
are owed, however, to the teachers of the weekend school, whose devoted
work can give so much to the next generation’s way through life.
For
the future good development of the Club!May it continue on! |
||||
141 |
Zerne
Families Worldwide With surnames of Zerne
non-resident wives.
The collection of compatriots in
the USA, Canada and Argentina for Austria by Lm. Nikolaus Kampf, for the Federal Republic of
Germany predominantly |
142 |
U S A Chicago, Illinois |
|||
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. |
Anna
Weissmann Elisabeth Rothenbach Franziska Roth Josef Hoffmann Matthias König Johann König Matthias Rothenbach Katharina Petri Stefan Pozojevich Anton Kampf Josef Lischeron Michael Lukonitsch Matthias Schweininger, Jr. Peter Hoffmann Johann Hoffmann Christof Bischof, Jr. Christof Grün Widow Anna Weiss Anton Bambach Matthias Remsing Anna Braun Hans Spengler Barbara Weissmann Michael Weissmann Christina Weissmann Anna Fischer, nee Hergatt Widow Elisabeth Brychta T. v. Mumber Franz Johann Goldscheck Kathi Stiebel Maria Konrad Johann Paul, Jr. Gertrud Mayer Peter Kaiser Michael Sterz Anton Krach |
37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. |
Ignaz
Rauscher Johann Michels Dr. Rudolf Hatz Peter Kampf Anton Schulz Matthias Brenner, Jr. Josef Rebel Katharina Spitz Elisabeth Schummer Franz Themare Matthias Weiss Heinrich Linster Nikolaus Anschlinger Josef Bischof Josef Till Nikolaus Neurohr Peter Brenner Peter Juraschitz Johann Fendt Johann Bollmann Michael Kathrein Brichta Anna Widow Karoline Wilms Karl Tines, Sr. Josef Frauenhoffer Nikolaus Frauenhoffer Karolina Decker Katharina Mayer Karl Tines, Jr. Josef Tines Katharina Lutje Johann Pape Nikolaus Weber Michael Ginali Josef Krämer, Jr. Gertrud Rebel |
|
|||
1. |
Rudolf
Bambach, Sr. Rudolf Bambach, Jr. Leontine Bachert Paula Heine Peter Kampf |
6. |
Nikolaus
Kampf Jack Kampf Anna Dolwig Franz Schwarz Nikolaus Schwarz |
143 |
11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. |
Karl
Themare Eva Konrad Karl Themare, Jr. Alex Czanik, Sr. Alex Czanik, Jr. Josef Czanik, Sr. Josef Czanik, Jr. Nikolaus Rothenbach Matthias Bach Hans Grün Widow Anna Tabar Anton Hanak Michael Weissmann, Sr. Michael Weissmann, Jr. Klaus Peter Anton Kartye |
27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. |
Eva
Kalany, nee Wolfram Michael Wolfram Anna Wolfram Franz Quint Michael Roth Martin Stiebel Michael Spiess Johann Theiss Josef Unterreiner Hary Adam Peter Weber Anna Tabar Maria Krauser Peter Tabar Michael Wild |
|
|||
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. |
Nikolaus
Serwo Paul Serwo, Jr. Anton Tabar Nikolaus Tabar Matthias Mandl Johann Leisch Anna Tabar Katharina Stein Gertrud Kampf |
10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. |
Hans
Stein, Jr. Jürgen Kruse Paul Serwo, Sr. Jakob Gross Michael Serwo Katharina Sartor Laci Majzik Johann Stein, Sr. Ferdinand Roth |
|
|||
1. |
Anna
Bach Anton Bach Ludwig Bach |
4. |
Henry
Schmidt Katharina Gallus Anton Vella |
|
|||
1. |
Johann Winter |
2. |
Adam Metzger |
|
|||
1. |
Josef
Noel Matthias Noel |
3. |
Robert
Ahres Franz Keller |
|
|||
1. |
Barbara
Kirsch Matthias Kirsch Johann Kirsch |
4. |
Emilie
Müller Matthias Steigerwald Elisabeth Schäfer |
|
7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. |
Matthias
Schäfer, Jr. Johann Mann Philipp Wersching Frank Seiberling Nikolaus Lambrecht Elisabeth Damm Paul Müller Peter Rausch, Sr. |
15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. |
Peter
Rausch, Jr Paul Tittjung Josef Ludwig Franz Weitz Johann Michels Josef Heger Anton Sensendorf |
|
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1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. |
Elisabeth Weissmann Anton Weissmann Michael Mayer Peter Mayer Otto Fuchs Gertrud Westhof Johann Westhof Anna Hoffmann Johann Hofmann Josef Hoffmann Peter Winschl Georg Weber Anton Franz Josef Franz |
15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. |
Peter Franz Michael Anton, Sr. Michael Anton, Jr. Peter Engst Lorenz Steinbach Frank Schönberger Anton Mayer Peter Kampf Matthias Tides Franzi Eichmüller Anton Bambach Michael Schulz Jakob Tabar |
|
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1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. |
Susanna Kampf Johann Seiler Magdalena Stiebel Katharina Engels Peter Stiebel Johann Stiebel Jakob Erasmus ? nee Stiebel ? nee Stiebel Christine Krämer Stefan Illy Hans Stein Peter Stein |
14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. |
Nikolaus Tabar Angela Spitz Johann Spitz Michael Spitz Josef Spitz Christof Schmidt Anton Schmidt Johann Sensendorf Michael Wilms Anna Engels Maria Frank Johann Schleimer |
Canada |
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1. 2. 3. 4. |
Nikolous Grossmann Johann Becker Ludwig Zeiger Matthias Kathrein |
5. 6. 7. 8. |
Margarethe Franz Anton Theiss Matthias Theiss Johann Kilcher |
145 |
9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. |
Johann
Konrad Katharina Schulde Anton Schulde Nikolaus Schulde Nikolaus Gehl Martin Weissmann Peter Mussar Johann Schäfer Eva Schäfer Johann Theiss Paula Krettler Matthias Tabar Elisabeth Ringwald Ivan Bondarenko Adam Brumm Andreas Hoffmann Otto Brichta, Sr. Franz Scherber |
27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. |
Johann
Konrad, Jr. Jakob Stankowitsch Michael Stankowitsch Anton Gruber Andy Lock Amel F. Duhn Johann Tabar Frank Hayden Stefan Tabar Reuben Warren Peter Ritting Johann Theiss Johann Wagner Josef Reichardt Michael Funk Anna Paul Franz Krämer, Jr. Lina Melinz |
|
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1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. |
Josef
Dekreon Johann Konrad Josef Eichmüller Andreas Glaser Georg Glaser Peter Oberst Peter Hoffmann Peter Papp Matthias Schmidt Leonhard Schleimer Martin Engels Josef Spitz Dominik Spitz Fritz Kovacs Martin Kis Emma Mayer Therese Anschlinger Martin Weissmann Peter Kahles Martin Winter Josef Lichtfuss Nikolaus Jost Jakob Jost Peter Rintje Margarete Wiesinger |
26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. |
Michael
Weissmann Matthias Bering Jakob Frauenhoffer Josef Rothenbach Anna Krieger Anna Rosenhoffer Nikolaus Spitz Ignaz Spuhler Hans Dorn Peter Weissmann Johann Lösch Anton Schulz Barbara Traubenik Brüder Schmidt Anna Buchmüller Anton Fessl Ilonka Fessl Peter Bach Katharina Kis Matthias Goldscheck Anton Kern Elisabeth Franzen Christian Rausch Hans Noel Katharina Kathrein |
146 |
51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. |
Josef
Kampf Kaspar Schummer Peter Koller Katharina Koller Anton Rothenbach Matthias Neidenbach Matthias Henika Kaspar Schulz Susanna Retzler |
60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. |
Gertrud
Gengler Hans Weissmann Anna Steigerwald Matthias König Matthias Schummer Susanna Rothenbach Michael Kotre Anton Lösch |
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1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. |
Matz
Grün Margarete Grün Magdalena Hoffmann Katharina Schulz Anton Schulz Katharina Lichnovski Anna Bischof Anton Bischof Fritz Retzler Peter Spengler |
11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. |
Matz
Sentesch Josef Sentesch Matz Sentesch Imre Zavargo Kindling Elisabeth Neumayer Maria Stuprich Maria Amend Elisabeth Gregor Karolina Grün |
Linz and Surrounding Area |
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21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. |
Konrad
Weber Peter Wilms Hans Wilms Peter Stuprich Hans Neurohr Anna Neurohr Sepp Ackermann Sepp Bodwen Hans Sterz Michael Sterz Anna Hari Peter Sterz Peter Sterz, Jr. Josef Michels Anton Michels Heidenfelder Konrad Bäcker Altendorfer Jakob Winter Josef Weber Matthias Weber |
42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. |
Magdalena
Hoffmann Gayer Josef Weber Kaufmann Trum Magdalena Spengler Elisabeth Wilms Gogron Susanna Mayer Hans Tabar Susanna Schweininger Josef Mayer Anton Recktenwald Nikolaus Recktenwald Hans Wegesser Matthias Wegesser Maria Sensendorf Schwander Asko Elisabeth Bell Magdalena Bell |
147 |
63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 74. 73. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. |
Johann
Bell Hans König Matthias Wagner Maria Wagner Josef Wagner Palitsch Johann Tabar Gutenbrunner Peter Tides Berta Franz Susanna Kanton Susanna Reisinger Gill Anna Schäfer Frei Hans Bechinger Michael Kanton Hans Schillinger Hans Szilagyi Elisabeth Schulde Matthias Schulde Hans Weissmann Hans Weissmann Wawi Schulz Maria Schmidt Hans Kampf Fränzi Schummer Bundus Schwarz Josef Lohner Michael Bockmüller |
94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 115. 116. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 123. 124. |
Maria
Bockmüller Josef Bockmüller Schüttengruber Manschefski Ernst Bockmüller Sepp Bockmüller Anton Bockmüller Josef Bockmüller Watzinger Rollinger Anna Kampf Nikolaus Kampf Weinhöpl Barbara Sedlak Anna Sedlak Johann Sedlak Michael Sedlak Michael Henika Sefi Brenner Wilhelm Brenner Matthias Brenner Karolina Kampf Nikolaus Stuprich Balser Koller Karl Sedlak Magdalena Bischof Amei Bischof Maria Grossgut Anna Baumgartner Else Raier |
|
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1. 2. 3. |
Nikolaus
Feuerholz Alexander Hatz Stefan Szantó |
4. 5. 6. |
J.
Stefik Dr. Marko Janjic Bogdan Kalenic |
Romania |
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1. 2. |
Josef
Mayer Anton Engels |
3. | Franz Schäfer |
|
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1. | Widow Maria Retzler | 2. | Anna Retzler |
148 |
1. | Josef Grün | ||
Australia |
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1. | Friedrich Hollerbach | ||
|
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1. | Rákosi Lonci | ||
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1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. |
Martin
Rauscher Johann Retzler Matthias Wegesser Nikolaus Reiter Walter König Dr. Josef Kreps Dr. Johann Nicka Helene Kirch Johann Hatz Anton Wirth zun. Barbara Wirt Johann Bischof Maria Retzler Anna Michels Nikolaus Spiess Josef Engels Jakob Sehr Jakob Nickels Matthias Schleimer Matthias Brenner, Sr. Nikolaus Tabar Nikolaus Tabar, Sr. Nikolaus Tabar, Jr. Josef Schmidt, Sr. Josef Schmidt, Jr. Nikolaus Rausch Karolina Rausch Franz Hüpfel Katharina Normann Philipp Beck Kaspar Schummer Franz Tabar Franz Stuprich |
34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. |
Konrad
Tabar, Sr. Konrad Tabar, Jr. Gertrud Kremer Josef Kremer Anton Kremer Josef Sterz Anton Schiwan Elisabeth Fischer Magdalena Tabar Andreas Eckert Peter Baumann Elsa Pavlik Johann Tabar Karolina Tokodi Michael Pittinger Peter Mayer Susanna Schillinger Katharina Wild Christoph Weissmann Thesere Bohr Anton Engels Jakob Engels Elisabeth Hoffmann Franz Hoffmann Peter Kathrein Peter Krach Konrad Eichmüller Magdalena Weissmann Nikolaus Schulz Eva Kowatsch Karolina Kampf Elisabeth Fritz Peter Wirth, Sr. |
149 |
67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 74. 73. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. 112. |
Peter
Wirth, Jr. Katharina Stiebel Josef Frauenhoffer, Jr. Nikolaus Frauenhoffer Josef Engels Elisabeth Ruff Peter Schorsch Katharina Franz Martin Konrad Elisabeth Bischof Anna Kremer Josef Juraschitz Christoph Renye Nikolaus Schuld Josef Keller Nikolaus Keller Peter Ludwig Nikolaus Ludwig Matthias Ludwig Peter Schmidt Johann Schmidt Anna Schmidt Magdalena Schmidt Josef Fendt, Sr. Nikolaus Fessl Nikolaus Tabar Josef Mayer Elisabeth Mayer Elisabeth Kaiser Nikolaus Weiss Johann Schleimer, Sr. Johann Schleimer, Jr. Anton Ginali Jakob Stiebel Michael Weissmann Franz Kremer Johann Hepp Josef Franz Nikolaus Stiebel Anton Stiebel Mathilde Stiebel Michael Retzler Peter Brandecker Johann Wilms Magdalena Weissmann Elisabeth Kremer |
113. 114. 115. 116. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126. 127. 128. 129. 130. 131. 132. 133. 134. 135. 136. 137. 138. 139. 140. 141. 142. 143. 144. 145. 146. 147. 148. 149. 150. 151. 152. 153. 154. 155. 156. 157. 158. |
Barbara
Dekreon Susanna Cservenyak Martin Grabowski Josef Grabowski Gertrud Bohl Johann Schulz Erna Mirwald Christine Krisch Margarethe Muschong Stefan Koch Anton Dekreon Nikolaus Neumayer Katharina Wünschl Hans Weron Michael Weron Peter Weron Magdalena Weron Josef Bauhof Heinrich Bauhof Peter Wolf Stefan Mayer Anton Mayer Johann Blatt Peter Getsch, Sr. Peter Getsch, Jr. Magdalene Deffert Anton Bodwen Hans Tabar Michael Kampf Magdalena Karls Peter Bambach Josef Krach Martin Krach Anna Getsch, Sr. Anna Getsch, Jr. Magdalena Getsch Anna Franz Anna Hagels Katharina Schiwan Anton Rapp Josef Rauscher Elisabeth Wirth Peter Schmidt Elisabeth Span Josef Span Lorenz Engels |
150 |
159. 160. 161. 162. 163. 164. 165. 166. 167. 168. 169. 170. 171. 172. 173. 174. 175. 176. 177. 178. 179. 180. 181. 182. 183. |
Karolina
Tabar Magdalena Tabar Susanna Schleimer Josef Kampf Käthe Frauenhoffer Johann Kampf Elisabeth Kampf Agathe Tabar Maria Weiss Elisabeth Bodwen Karolina Schulz Luise Schulz Johann Schulz Berta Eichmüller Josef König Margit Schmidt Magdalena Tabar Nikolaus Tabar Karolina Schleimer Katharina Vojciechowski Matthias Schleimer Katharina Müller Anton Spuler, Jr. Andreas Eckert Josef Franz |
184. 185. 186. 187. 188. 189. 190. 191. 192. 193. 194. 195. 196. 197. 198. 199. 200. 201. 202. 203. 204. 205. 206. 207. |
Hans
Krach Elsa Kiss Katharina Götz Susanna Tabar Johann Tabar Magdalena Weissmann Magdalena Tabar Katharina Pandl Josef Fendt, Jr. Nikolaus Fendt Eva Taler Susanna Stuprich Johann Wagner Karolina Wichnal Johann Schmidt Josef Schleimer, Sr. Josef Schleimer, Jr. Katharina Fuchs Anna Amman Elisabeth Schleimer Magdalena Schmidt Willy Bauhof Josef Hoffmann Michael Grün |
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151 |
TABLE OF
CONTENTS |
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1. Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. The Banat, Our Homeland . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. The Reasons for Settlement of the Banat . . . . . . . . . 4. The Settlement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5. Geographical Locations, Conditions, and Appearance . . . . . 6. Local Administration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. Manorial System, Lord of Patronage . . . . . . . . . . 8. Development Up to World War I . . . . . . . . . . . 9. Economy, Commerce, Health Service . . . . . . . . . . 10. World War I. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11. The Period Up to World War II . . . . . . . . . . . . 12. The Church, the Cemetery. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13. The School . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14. Family Life, Morals, Customs. . . . . . . . . . . . . 15. Associations, Miscellaneous . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16. Houses and Dwellings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17. Craftsmen, Traders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18. World War II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19. The Political Breaking Point Approaches . . . . . . . . . 20. Conditions After the Occupation . . . . . . . . . . . . 21. People Lost . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22. Momentous Decision . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23. Homeland, Politics and Our Destiny . . . . . . . . . . . 24. Zerne People Living in Chicago . . . . . . . . . . . . 25. Appendix. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26. Table of Contents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27. Pictures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Addendum |
5 7 11 13 15 18 21 23 26 29 32 37 40 46 56 61 82 87 91 96 120 128 132 139 142 152 153 |
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152 |