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Historical Collections of Ohio

By Henry Howe

Vol. II

©1888

_________________

 

Seneca County

 

Page 572

SENECA COUNTY was formed from old Indian Territory, April 1, 1820, organized April 1, 1824, and named from the tribe who had a reservation within its limits.  The surface is level, and the streams run in deep channels.  The county is well watered, has considerable water-power, and the soil is mostly a rich loam.  It was settled principally from Ohio, Pennsylvania, Maryland and New York, and by some few Germans.  The principle farm products are wheat, corn, grass, oats, potatoes and pork.  Area, about 540 square miles . In 1887 the acres cultivated were 219,543; in pasture, 26,352; woodland, 58,716; lying waste, 1,447; produced in wheat, 969,701 bushels; rye, 9,777; buckwheat, 400; oats, 834,806; barley, 10,407; corn, 1,204,246; meadow hay, 24,699 tons;  clover hay, 8,369; flax, 12,900 lbs. fibre; potatoes, 87,584 bushels; butter, 686,237 lbs.; cheese, 5,800; sorghum, 3603 gallons; maple syrup, 10,489; honey, 3,848 lbs.; eggs, 553,716 dozen; grapes, 6,746 lbs.; wine, 226 gallons; sweet potatoes, 99 bushels; apples, 21,815 bushels; peaches, 2,735; pears, 1,746; wool, 287,003 lbs.; milch cows owned, 8.737.  Ohio Mining Statistics, 1888.—Limestone, 21,155 tons burned for lime; 27,500 cubic feet of dimension stone; 13,226 cubic yards of building stone; 35,076 cubic yards of ballast or macadam.  School census, 1888, 11,718; teachers, 361.  Miles of railroad track, 172.

 

Townships

And Census

1840

1880

Township

And Census

1840

1880

Adams,

1,250

1,624

London,

   763

4,315

Big Springs,

   926

2,048

Pleasant,

   974

1,317

Bloom,

1,168

2,162

Reed,

1,214

1,527

Clinton,

2,197

9,581

Scipio,

1,556

1,836

Eden,

1,472

1,598

Seneca,

1,393

1,519

Hopewell,

   913

1,631

Thompson,

1,411

1,901

Jackson

   596

1,399

Venice,

1,222

2,231

Liberty,

1,084

2,157

 

 

 

 

 

Population of Seneca in 1830, 5,157; 1840, 18,139; 1860, 30,868; 1880, 36,945; of whom 26.947 were born in Ohio; 3,154, Pennsylvania; 905, New York; 350, Virginia; 214, Indiana; 27, Kentucky; 2,402, German Empire; 339, Ireland; 159, France; 141, England and Wales; 131, British America; 11, Scotland; and 6, Sweden and Norway. Census, 1890, 40,869


Fort Seneca, a military post built in the war of 1812, was nine miles north of the site of Tiffin.  It was a stockade with a ditch, and occupied several acres on a plain, on the bank of the Sandusky. Some vestiges of the work yet [1846] remain.  It was only a few miles above Fort Stephenson, and was occupied by Harrison’s troops at the time of the attack on the latter.  While here, and just prior to Perry’s victory, Gen. Harrison narrowly escaped being murdered by an Indian, the particulars of which we derive from his memoirs.

Page 573

 

PERIL OF GENERAL HARRISON.

 

The friendly Indians of the Delaware, Shawanese and Seneca tribes had been invited to join him.  A number had accepted the invitation, and had reached Seneca before the arrival of the Kentucky troops.  All the chiefs, and no doubt the greater part of the warriors were favorable to the American cause; but before their departure from their towns, a wretch had insinuated himself among them, with the intention of assassinating the commanding general.  He belonged to the Shawanese tribe, and bore the name of Blue Jacket; but was not the celebrated Blue Jacket who signed the treaty of Greenville with Gen. Wayne.  He had formerly resided at the town of Wapakoneta; he had, however, been absent for a considerable time and had returned but a few days before the warriors of that town set out to join the American army.  He informed the chiefs that he had been hunting on the Wabash, and at his request, he was suffered to join the party which were about to march to Seneca.  Upon their arrival at M’Arthur’s blockhouse, they halted and encamped for the purpose of receiving provisions from the deputy Indian agent, Col. M’Pherson, who resided there.  Before their arrival at that place, Blue Jacket had communicated to a friend (a Shawanese warrior), his intention to kill the American general, and requested his assistance; this his friend declined and endeavored to dissuade him from attempting it, assuring him that it could not be done without the certain sacrifice of his own life, as he had been at the American camp and knew there was always a guard round the general’s quarters, who were on duty day and night.  Blue Jacket replied, that he was determined to execute his intention at any risk, that he would kill the general if he was sure that his guards would cut him in pieces not bigger than his thumb nail.


No people on earth are more faithful in keeping secrets than the Indians, but each warrior has friend from whom he will conceal nothing; luckily for Gen. Harrison, the friend of the confidant of Blue Jacket was a young Delaware chief named Beaver, who was also bound to the general by the ties of friendship.  He was the son of a Delaware war chief of the same name, who had with others been put to death by his own tribe, on the charge of practicing sorcery.  Gen. Harrison had been upon terms of friendship with the father, and had patronized his orphan boy, at that time ten or twelve years of age.  He had now arrived at manhood and was considered among the most promising warriors of his tribe: to this young chief the friend of Blue Jacket revealed the fatal secret.  The Beaver was placed by this communication in an embarrassing situation, for should he disclose what he had heard, he betrayed his friend, than which nothing could be more repugnant to the feelings and principles of an Indian warrior.  Should he not disclose it, consequences equally or even more to be deprecated were likely to ensue—the assassination of a friend, the friend of his father, whose life he was bound to defend, or whose death to revenge by the same principle of fidelity and honor which forbade the disclosure


While he was yet hesitating, Blue Jacket came up to the Delaware camp somewhat intoxicated, vociferating vengeance upon Col. M’Pherson, who had just turned him out of his house, and whom he declared he would put to death for the insult he had received.  The sight of the traitor aroused the indignation and resentment of the Beaver to the highest pitch.  He seized his tomahawk, and advancing toward the culprit, “You must be a great warrior,” said he; “you will not only kill this white man for serving you as you deserve, but you will also murder our father, the American chief, and bring disgrace and mischief upon us all; but you shall do neither, I will serve you as I would a mad dog.”  A furious blow from the tomahawk of the Beaver stretched the unfortunate Blue Jacket at his feet, and a second terminated his existence; “There,” said he to some Shawanese who were present, “take him to the camp of his tribe, and tell them who has done the deed.”


The Shawanese were far from resenting it; they applauded the conduct of the Beaver, and rejoiced at their happy escape from the ignominy which the accomplishment of Blue Jacket’s design would have brought upon them.  At the great treaty which was held at Greenville in 1815 Gen. Cass, one of the commissioners, related the whole of the transaction to the assembled chiefs, and after thanking the Beaver, in the name of the United States, for having saved the life of their general, he caused a handsome present to be made him out of the goods which he had sent for the purpose of the treaty.  It is impossible to say what was the motive of Blue Jacket to attempt the life of Gen. Harrison: he was not one of the Tippecanoe Shawanese, and therefore could have no personal resentment against the general.  There is little doubt that he came from Malden when he arrived at Wapakoneta, and that he came for the express purpose of attempting the life of the general; but whether he was instigated to it by any other person or persons, or had conceived the idea himself, has never been ascertained.  Upon the arrival of the chiefs at Seneca, the principal war chief of the Shawanese requested permission to sleep at the door of the general’s marquee, and this he did every night until the embarkation of the troops.  This man, who had fought with great bravery on our side in the several sorties from Fort Meigs, was called Capt. Tommy; he was a great favorite of the officers, particularly the general and Commodore Perry, the latter of whom was accustomed to call him the general’s Mameluke.

 

The Senecas of Sandusky—so called—owned and occupied forty thousand acres of choice land on the east side of the Sandusky river, being mostly in this and partly in Sandusky county.  Thirty thousand acres of this land was granted to them on the 29th of September, 1817, at the treaty held at the foot of the Maumee Rapids, Hon. Lewis Cass and Hon. Duncan M’Arthur being the commissioners of the United States.  The remaining 10,000 acres, lying south of the other, was granted by the treaty at St. Mary’s, concluded by the same commissioners on the 17th of September, in the following year.  By the treaty concluded at Washington city, February 28, 1831, James B Gardiner being the commissioner of the general government, these Indians ceded their lands to the United States, and agreed to remove southwest of Missouri, on the Neosho river.


 INDIAN EXECUTION FOR WITCHCRAFT.


At this time their principal chiefs were Coonstick, Small Cloud Spicer, Seneca Steel, Hard Hickory, Tall Chief and Good Hunter, the last two of whom were their principal orators.  The old chief Good Hunter, told Mr. Henry C. Brish, their sub-agent, that this band, which numbered about four hundred souls, were in fact the remnant of Logan’s tribe, (see Pickaway county), and says Mr. Brish in a communication to us: “I cannot to this day surmise why they were called the Senecas.  I never found a Seneca among them.  They were Cayugas—who were Mingoes—among whom were a few Oneidas, Mohawks, Onondagoes, Tuscarawas and Wyandots.”  From Mr. Brish, we have received an interesting narrative of the execution for witchcraft of one of these Indians, named Seneca John, who was one of the best men of his tribe.

 

About the year 1825, Coonstick, Steel and Cracked Hoof left the reservation for the double purpose of a three years hunting and trapping excursion, and to seek a location for a new home for the tribe in the far West


At the time of their starting, Comstock, the brother of the first two, was the principal chief of the tribe.  On their return in 1828, richly laden with furs and horses, they found Seneca John, their fourth brother, chief, in place of Comstock, who had died during their absence.


Comstock was the favorite brother of the two, and they at once charged Seneca John with producing his death by witchcraft.  John denied the charge in a strain of eloquence rarely equalled.   Said he, “I loved my brother Comstock more than I love the green earth I stand upon.  I would give myself, limb by limb, piecemeal by peacemeal—I would shed my blood, drop by drop, to restore him to life.”  But all his protestations of innocence and affection for his brother Comstock were of no avail.  His two other brothers pronounced him guilty and declared their determination to be his executioners.


John replied that he was willing to die and only wished to live until the next morning, “to see the sun rise once more.”  This request being granted, John told them that he should sleep that night on Hard Hickory’s porch, which fronted the east, where they would find him at sunrise.  He chose that place because he did not wish to be killed in the presence of his wife, and desired that the chief, Hard Hickory, should witness that he died like a brave man.


Coonstick and Steel retired for the night to an old cabin near by.  In the morning, in company with Shane, another Indian, they preceeded to the house of Hard Hickory, who was my informant of what there happened.


He said, a little after sunrise he heard their footsteps upon the porch, and opened the door just enough to peep out.  He saw John asleep upon his blanket, while they stood around him.  At length one of them awoke him.  He arose upon his feet and took off a large handkerchief which was around his head, letting his unusually long hair fall upon his shoulders.  This being done, he looked around upon the landscape and at the rising sun, to take a farewell look of a scene that he was never again to behold and then told them he was ready to die.


Shane and Coonstick each took him by the arm, and Steel walked behind.  In this way they led him about ten steps from the porch, when Steel struck him with a tomahawk on the back of his head, and he fell to the ground, bleeding freely.  Supposing this blow sufficient to kill him, they dragged him under a peach tree near by.  In a short time, however, he revived; the blow having been broken by his great mass of hair.  Knowing that it was Steel who struck the blow, John, as he lay, turned his head towards Coonstick and said, “Now brother, do you take your revenge.”  This so operated upon the feelings of Coonstick, that he interposed to save him; but it enraged Steel to such a degree, that he drew his knife and cut John’s throat from ear to ear, and the next day he was buried

Page 575


with the usual Indian ceremonies, not more than twenty feet from where he fell.  Steel was arrested and tried for the murder in Sandusky county, and acquitted.


The grave of Seneca John was surrounded by a small picket enclosure.  Three years after, when I was preparing to move them to the far West, I saw Coonstick and Steel remove the picket-fence and level the ground, so that no vestige of the grave remained.

 

SACRIFICING DOGS TO THE GREAT SPIRIT.


A writer in the Sidney Aurora, gave a narrative of the religious rites of this tribe, just prior to their departure for their new homes.  We extract his description of their sacrificing two dogs to the Great Spirit.  This writer was probably Mr. Brish.


We rose early and proceeded directly to the council house, and though we supposed we were early, the Indians were already in advance of us.


The first object which arrested our attention, was a pair of the canine species, one of each gender suspended on a cross! one on either side thereof.  These animals had been recently strangled—not a bone was broken, nor could a distorted hair be seen!  They were of beautiful cream color, except a few dark spots on one, naturally, which same spots were put on the other, artificially, by the devotees.  The Indian are very partial in the selection of dogs entirely white for this occasion; and for such they will give almost any price.  Now for part of the decorations to which I have already alluded; a description of one will suffice for both.

 

First—A scarlet ribbon was tastefully tied just above the nose; and near the eyes another; next round the neck was a white ribbon, to which was attached some bulbous, concealed in another white ribbon; this was placed directly under the right ear, and I suppose it was intended as an amulet or charm.  Then ribbons were bound round the forelegs, at the knees and near the feet—these were red and white alternately.  Round the body was a profuse decoration—then the hind legs were decorated as the fore ones. Thus were the victims prepared and thus ornamented for burnt offering.


While minutely making this examination, I was almost unconscious of the collection of a large number of Indians who were there assembled to offer their sacrifices.


Adjacent to the cross was a large fire built on a few logs; and though the snow was several inches deep, they had prepared a sufficient quantity of combustible material, removed the snow from the logs and placed thereon their fire.  I have often regretted that I did not see them light this pile.  My own opinion is, they did not use the fire from their council-house; because I think they would have considered that as common, and as this was intended to be a holy service, they, no doubt, for this purpose struck fire from a flint, this being deemed sacred.


It was a clear, beautiful morning, and just as the first rays of the sun were seen in the tops of the towering forest and its reflections from the snowy surface, the Indians simultaneously formed a semicircle enclosing the cross, each flank resting on the aforesaid pile of logs


Good Hunter, who officiated as High Priest, now appeared, and approached the cross; arrayed in his pontifical robes, he looked quite respectable


The Indians being all assembled—I say Indians, for there was not a squaw present during all this ceremony—at a private signal given by the High Priest, two young chiefs sprang upon the cross and each taking off one of the victims, brought it down and presented it on his arms to the High Priest, who receiving it with great reverence, in like manner advanced to the fire, and with a very grave and solemn air, laid it thereon—and this he did with the other—but to which, whether male or female, he gave the preference I did not learn.  This done, he retired to the cross.


In a devout manner he now commenced as an oration.  The tone of his voice was audible and somewhat chanting.  At every pause in his discourse, he took from a white cloth he held in his hand, a portion of dried, odoriferous herbs, which he threw on the fire; this was intended as incense.  In the meanwhile his auditory, their eyes on the ground, with grave aspect and solemn silence, stood motionless, listening attentively to every word he uttered.


Thus he proceeded until the victims were entirely consumed and the incense exhausted, when he concluded his service; the oblation now made and the wrath of the Great Spirit, as they believed, appeased, they again assembled in the council-house, for the purpose of performing a part in their festival, different from any I yet had witnessed.  Each Indian as he entered, seated himself on the floor, thus forming a large circle; when one of the old chiefs rose and with that native dignity which some Indians possess in a great degree, recounted his exploits as a warrior; told in how many fights he had been the victor; the number of scalps he had taken from his enemies; and what, at the head of his braves, he yet intended to do at the “Rocky Moun-

Page 576


tains;”  accompanying his narration with energy, warmth and strong gesticulation; when he ended, he received the unanimous applause of the assembled tribe. 


This meed of praise was awarded to the chief by “three times three” articulations, which were properly neither nasal, oral nor guttural, but rather abdominal.  Thus many others in the circle, old and young, rose in order, and pro forma, delivered themselves of a speech.  Among those was Good Hunter; but he


 “Had laid his robes away

  His mitre and his vest.”


His remarks were not filled with such bombast as some others; but brief, modest and appropriate; in fine, they were such as became a priest of one of the lost ten tribes of Israel


After all had spoken who wished to speak, the floor was cleared and the dance renewed, in which Indian and squaw united, with their wonted hilarity and zeal.


Just as this dance ended, an Indian boy ran to me and with fear strongly depicted in his countenance, caught me by the arm and drew me to the door, pointing with his other hand towards something he wished me to observe.


I looked in that direction, and saw the appearance of an Indian running at full speed to the council-house; in an instant he was in the house and literally in the fire, which he took in his hands and threw fire, coals and hot ashes in various directions through the house and apparently all over himself.  At his entrance, the young Indians much alarmed, had all fled to the further end of the house, where they remained crowded, in great dread of this personification of the Evil Spirit.  After diverting himself with the fire a few moments, at the expense of the young ones, to their no small joy he disappeared.  This was an Indian disguised with a hideous false face, having horns on his head, and his hands and feet protected from the effects of the fire.  And though not a professed “Fire King,” he certainly performed his part to admiration.


During the continuance of this festival, the hospitality of the Senecas was unbounded.  In the council-house and at the residence of Tall Chief, were a number of large fat bucks and hogs hanging up and neatly dressed.  Bread also, of both corn and wheat, in great abundance.


Large kettles of soup ready prepared, in which maple sugar, profusely added, made a prominent ingredient, thus forming a very agreeable saccharine coalescence.  All were invited and made welcome; indeed, a refusal to partake of their bounty, was deemed disrespectful, if not unfriendly. 


I left them in the afternoon enjoying themselves to the fullest extent, and so far as I could perceive, their pleasure was without alloy.  They were eating and drinking, but on this occasion, no ardent spirits were permitted—dancing and rejoicing—caring and probably thinking not of to-morrow.

 

Tiffin in 1846.—Tiffin, the county seat, is a compactly built village, on a level site, on the line of the railroad connecting Cincinnati with Sandusky City, and on the east bank of Sandusky River.  It is 86 miles north of Columbus and 34 from Sandusky City.  It was laid out about the year 1821, by Josiah Hedges, and named for the Hon. Edward Tiffin, of Ross, president of the convention which formed the constitution of Ohio, and the first governor of the state of Ohio in 1803.  The town is gradually increasing with the growth of the county.  The view was taken in the principal street, and shows on the left the court house and in the distance the spire of a Catholic church.  It contains 2 Lutheran, 2 Catholic, 1 Episcopal, 1 Methodist Episcopal, 1 Reformed Methodist and 1 German Reformed church, 5 grocery and 9 dry goods stores, 1 foundry, 2 newspaper printing offices and had in 1840, 728 inhabitants: it now contains with the suburbs, about 1200.  Opposite Tiffin, on the west bank of the Sandusky, is the small village of Fort Ball, so named from a fort erected there in the war of 1812, so called from Lieut. Col. James V Ball, the commander of a squadron of cavalry under Harrison, while at Fort Seneca in this county.  The fort was a small stockade with a ditch, occupying perhaps one-third of an acre.  It stood on the bank of the river, about fifty rods south of the present bridge, and was used principally as a military depot.  Vestiges of this work yet remain.  On the old Indian reservation, in a limestone soil, are two white sulphur springs, respectively ten and twelve miles from Tiffin and about two apart.  The water is clear and petrifies all objects with which it comes in contact.  The water furnishes power sufficient for two large merchant mills, flows in great quantities and nearly alike in all seasons.  In the northeastern corner of the county, in the township of Thompson, is a subterranean stream, about eighty feet under ground.  The water is pure and cold, runs uniformly and in a northern direction.  It is entered by a hole in the top, into which the curious can descend on foot, by the aid of a light.—Old Edition

Page 577


TIFFIN, county-seat of Seneca, is eighty miles northwest of Columbus, forty-two miles southeast from Toledo; is on the T. B. & W., B. & O., and N. W. Railroads.  It is the seat of Heidelberg College and other educational institutions, is in the midst of a very productive agricultural region and has extensive manufacturing interests.  County officers, 1888: Auditor, James A. NORTON; Clerk, Lewis ULRICH; Commissioners, Henry F. HEDDEN, Truman H. BAGBY, Nicholas BURTSCHER; Coroner, Edward LEPPER; Infirmary Directors, Daniel METZGER, John RINEBOLT, William KING; Probate Judge, John ROYER; Prosecuting Attorney, William H. DORE; Recorder, George F. WENTZ; Sheriff, George HOMAN; Surveyor, George MCGORMLEY; Treasurer, Benjamin F. MYERS.  City officers, 1888: Mayor, Dr. J. F. E. FANNING; Marshal, John HUMMER; Street Commissioner, Scudder  CHAMBERLIN; Solicitor, H. C. KEPPEL; Clerk, William DORE; Chief of Fire Department, John ROLLER; Treasurer, B. F. MYERS,  Newspapers: Seneca Advertiser, Democratic, Myers Bros., editors and publishers; Die Presse, German, George HOMAN, editor and publisher; News, Democratic, D. J. STALTER, editor and publisher; Heidelberg Journal, literary, E. R. Good & Bro, editor and publishers; Village Gardener and Poultry Breeder, Philo J. KELLER,  editor and publisher.  Churches: 1 Presbyterian, 2 Catholic, 1 Episcopal, 3 Evangelical, 1 Methodist Protestant, 3 Reformed, 1 Methodist Episcopal, 1 Lutheran, 1 Baptist.  Banks: Commercial, Warren P. NOBLE, president, Samuel B. SNEATH, cashier; Tiffin National, John D. LOOMIS, president, J. N. CHAMBERLIN, cashier.


Manufactures and Employees.—Tiffin Union Churn Co., churns, washboards, etc., 58 hands; Tiffin Agricultural Works, agricultural implements, 110; E. S. Rockwell & Co., woolen goods, 90; Schuman & Co., lager beer, 11; Enterprise Manufacturing Co., sash doors, etc., 19; Tiffin Manufacturing Co., sash doors, etc., 18; Glick & McCormick, wagon supplies, etc., 25; R. H. Whitlock, boxes, 18; Tiffin Glass Co., table ware, 90; National Machinery Co., bolt and nut machinery, 103;  Loomis & Nyman, general machine works, 30; H. Hubach, lager beer, 7; Ohio Stove Co., stoves, 42.—State Report, 1888.


Population, 1880, 7,889.  School census, 1888, 2,836; J. W. KNOTT, school superintendent.  Capital invested in industrial establishments, $637,227.  Value of annual product, $966,310.—Ohio Labor Statistics, 1887


Census, 1890, 10,801.


Tiffin is a substantial, well-built city, and occupies both sides of the Sandusky river, including the site of the old Fort Ball.  It is in a very rich country and has a large local trade.  It is well named from Ohio’s first governor—a gentleman of diversified attainments.


TRAVELLING NOTES.

 

When any of us think of a place it is, I believe, the universal law to have spring into our mind its prominent personalities, and according to the characters the mentally rise, is that place pleasant or disagreeable.  To multitudes of Ohio people, when they think of the city of Tiffin, comes into their minds Ohio’s great orator for near two generations—GEN. WILLIAM H. GIBSON, born in Ohio in 1822, who as he says, was “the first male infant carried into Seneca county.”  So well is he known that only as a matter of record is it necessary to mention him.  I presume there is not a county in Ohio in which his voice has not been uplifted in patriotic utterance, and in many counties many times.  I know not one living who has appeared so much in our State on public occasions as the orator of the day, especially at out-of-door meetings of farmers and at pioneer celebrations.  And he gives so much gratification that even his own townsmen throng any public place when it is advertised he is to appear.  So, in his case, the old saying about prophets not being honored at home, fails when he is to appear in Tiffin.

Page 578

Top Picture

Drawn by Henry Howe in 1846.

CENTRAL VIEW IN TIFFIN.

 

Bottom Picture

B. Pennington, Photo, 1886.

CENTRAL VIEW IN TIFFIN.

 

 

GEN. WM. H. GIBSON.

 

Gen. GIBSON is of the blonde order, with oval face, tall and graceful person; but his great peculiarity is the clearness and phenomenal powers of voice that enable him to send every word distinct to the ears of acres of people gathered around in the open fields.  Seldom has been heard a voice like it since the days of Whitefield.  Then he is such an entertaining, delight-giving speaker, that he will hold a miscellaneous audience of men, women and children for hours together.


Capt. Henry CROMWELL, an old citizen here in Tiffin, said to me, “I have been hearing Gibson for more than forty years, and I am amazed every time I hear him.  In the Scott campaign of 1852 he introduced Gen. Scott to our people from the steps of the Shawhan House.  A reporter of the New York Herald present said it was the best speech he had ever heard. In 1842, when a mere boy, I was present when he delivered the Independence Day oration at Melmore, then a spot well out in the woods.  An old Revolutionary soldier sat by his side with long, flowing white hair, done up in a queue.  As he closed he made an eloquent apostrophe to the flag waving over them, and then turning round put both hands on the old man’s head, saying, ‘Here is a man who fought for that flag.’  Half of the audience were in tears.  In the course of his life he has participated in twelve presidential campaigns as a campaign speaker, and seems good for more.  In the Lincoln campaign Harriet Beecher Stowe happened to hear him, and wrote, ‘I have heard many of the renowned orators of Europe and our own country, but I have never sat two and a half hours under such wonderful eloquence as that of Gen. William H. Gibson of Ohio.’”


Gen. Gibson as a youth began work on a farm, then learned the carpenter’s trade, and finally was educated to the law; was elected to the office of state treasurer in the year 1856, on the ticket with Salmon P. Chase as the governor; served as colonel of the Forty-ninth Ohio, and was breveted brigadier-general on his retirement.  Of late, having been duly qualified, he occasionally serves in the pulpit of the Methodist Episcopal Church.


If, when we think of Tiffin, the graceful from and somewhat sad face of the eloquent Gibson rises to our mind; so when we think of Fostoria, the genial face and compact figure of another lights the scene. His is a phenomenal individuality—one that has illustrated that a man can be the governor of this great State and at the same moment “Charlie” to everybody in it.  Born there when all around was woods; growing up with the people, ever manifesting a cheerful, generous, helping spirit; his life illustrates the fraternal idea; so the humblest individuals of his home community rejoice that he is one of them.  The Hon. Daniel RYAN, in his “History of Ohio,” thus outlines his career:


“The parents of CHARLES FOSTER were from Massachusetts.  They moved West and settled in Seneca county, where he was born, April 12, 1828.  He received a common-school education and engaged in business pursuits for the early part of his life.  In 1870, he was elected to Congress and served for eight years, although his district was politically very strong against him.  While in Congress he was noted for the straightforward and businesslike view that he took of all measures.  He was one of the Republicans leaders of that body.  The Republican party of 1879 nominated him for governor and he was elected.  Two years after he was re-elected.  He administered state affairs with success.  He took advanced ground on taxing the liquor traffic, and his party—in fact, the entire people of Ohio—have indorsed his views.  He is now in private life, devoting his attention to business affairs at Fostoria.”


Other noted persons come up with the thought of Seneca county.  ANSON BURLINGAME in 1823 came with his father’s family from the East—a child of three years.  His father opened a farm near Melmore, where he remained ten years.  The family then removed to Michigan, but Anson soon returned and for a while taught school in Eden township.  Eventually he settled in Massachusetts, after a course of law at Harvard.


In 1856, while serving as a member of Congress from the Boston (Mass.) district, he spoke in such terms of indignation of the brutal assault of Preston S. Brooks, of South Carolina, upon the Massachusetts Senator, Charles Sumner, that Brooks challenged him.  He promptly accepted, named rifles as the weapons, and Navy Island, just above Niagara Falls, as the place of meeting.  Brooks demurred as to the place for the dual, alleging that to get there he should be obliged to go through an enemy’s country.  BURLINGAME was an adept with the rifle, learned in his youthful days by practice upon the wild

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beasts of Seneca county, and the public judgment was that Brooks, after his challenge, had learned that fact, and feared if the meeting took place, no matter where it might be, his fate would be that of some of those Seneca county bears.  BURLINGAME’s conduct was largely approved of by his party friends at the North, who on his return to Boston received him with distinguished honors.  The crowning act of his life was when, in 1858, as United States minister to China, he made that great treaty since known as the “Burlingame Treaty.”  This valuable and heroic man closed his half century of life while on a mission to St. Petersburg in 1870.


Another mentionable fact connected with the personalities of this county, is that about a quarter of a century since, when that noted French divine, PERE HYACINTHE, left the bosom of mother church and advocated matrimony for priests, he proceeded to practice as he had preached and took for his bride a Seneca county lady.


CONSUL WILSHIRE BUTTERFILED, the historian born in New York, began his career of authorship in this county, wherein for many years he was a teacher, at one time head of its Public Schools.  His first work was a small history of Seneca county.  Of late removed to Madison, Wisconsin, he has for his careful study and work access to the superb collection of historical works in the Wisconsin State Library, an institution which confers lasting honor upon that young State.


ALFRED H. WELCH, born at Fostoria, in 1850, died in 1888, when professor of English Literature in the Ohio State University, after a short but bright and useful career as teacher and author.  Besides a series of school books he published “The Conflict of the Ages,” The Development of English Literature and Language,” and “Man and his Relations.”  He started a youth of humble means and in the employment of Hon. Charles FOSTER, who observing his faithfulness and capacity assisted him to obtain a college education.  He has been said in many respects to resemble Goldsmith.  He was fond of flowers and children, and it was his delight to organize parties to hunt flowers in the wild woods or gather pond-lilies.

 

CAPTIVITY AND EXPERIENCES AMONG THE OHIO INDIANS OF COL. JAMES SMITH,

Between May, 1755 and April, 1759, as related by himself.


In the year 1854, was published at Sandusky, one volume of “A History of Ohio,” by James W. TAYLOR, a journalist of Sandusky.   Only one of its two designed volumes was issued.  This comprised the period between the years 1650 and 1787 and therefore before Ohio itself existed.


One of its chapters is entitled “A Pilgrim of Ohio One Hundred Years ago.”  That chapter embodies all that is essential in the personal narration of Col. Smith and is here copied entire.  It is highly attractive from its simplicity of style and evident truthfulness in details.

 

It is in our power, by transcribing from a Narrative of the Captivity of Col. James Smith among the Indians, between May, 1755, and April, 1759, to present a picture of the wilderness and its savage occupants, which bearing intrinsic evidence of faithful accuracy, is also corroborated by the public and private character of the writer.


Col. James Smith was a native of Pennsylvania, and after his return from Indian captivity, was entrusted, in 1736, with the command of a company of riflemen.  He trained his men in the Indian tactics and discipline, and directed them to assume the dress of warriors and to paint their faces red and black, so that in appearance they were hardly distinguishable from the enemy.  Some of his exploits in the defense of the Pennsylvania border are less creditable to him than his services in the war of the revolution.  He lived until the year 1812, and is the author of a “Treatise on the Indian mode of warfare.”  In Kentucky, where he spent the latter part of his life, he was much respected and several times elected to the legislature.


The first edition of Smith’s Journal was published in Lexington, Kentucky, by John Bradford, in 1799.  Samuel Drake, the Indian antiquarian and author, accompanies its republication in 1851 by a tribute to Smith as “an exemplary Christian and unwavering patriot.”


CAPTURE OF SMITH.


In the spring of 1755, James Smith, then eighteen years of age, was captured by three Indians (two Delaware and one Canasatauga) about four or five miles above Bedford, in Western Pennsylvania.  He was immediately led to the banks of the Allegheny river, opposite Fort DuQuesne, where he was compelled to run the gauntlet between two long ranks of Indians, each stationed about two or three rods apart.  His treatment was not severe until near the end of the lines, when he was felled by a blow from a stick or tomahawk handle, and on attempting to rise, was blinded by sand thrown into his eyes.  The blows continued until he became insensible

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and when he recovered his consciousness, he found himself within the fort, much bruised and under the charge of a French physician.


 EXULTATION OVER BRADDOCK’S DEFEAT.


While yet unrecovered from his wounds, Smith was a witness of the French exultation and the Indian orgies over the disastrous defeat of Braddock.  A few days afterward, his Indian captors placed him in a canoe and ascended the Allegheny river to an Indian town on the north side of the river, about forty miles above fort Duquesne.  Here they remained three weeks, when the party proceeded to a village on the west branch of the Muskingum, about twenty miles above the forks.  This village called Tullihas, was inhabited by Delawares, Caughnewagas and Mohicans.  The soil between the Allegheny and Muskingum rivers on the route here designated, is described as “chiefly black oak and white oak land, which appeared generally to be good wheat land, chiefly second and third rate, intermixed with some rich bottoms.


CEREMONY OF ADOPTION.


While remaining at Tullihas, Smith describes the manner of his adoption by the Indians and other ceremonies, which we prefer to give in his own words: "The day after my arrival at the aforesaid town, a number of Indians collected about me, and one of them began to pull the hair out of my head.  He had some ashes on a piece of bark, in which he frequently dipped his fingers in order to take a firmer hold, and so he went on, as if he had been plucking a turkey, until he had all the hair clean out of my head, except a small spot about three or four inches square on my crown.  This they cut off with a pair of scissors, excepting three locks, which they dressed up in their own mode.  Two of these they wrapped round with a narrow beaded garter, made by themselves for that purpose and the other they plaited at full length and then stuck it full of silver brooches.  After this they bored my nose and ears, and fixed me off with earrings and nose-jewels.  Then they ordered me to strip off my clothes and put on a breech-clout, which I did.  They then painted my head, face and body in various colors.  They put a large belt of wampum on my neck and silver bands on my hands and right arm; and so an old chief led me out on the street and gave the alarm halloo, “coo-wigh,” several times, repeated quick; and on this, all that were in the town came running and stood round the old chief, who held me by the hand in the midst.  As I at that time knew nothing of their mode of adoption, and had seen them put to death all they had taken and as I never could find that they saved a man alive at Braddock’s defeat, I made no doubt that they were about putting me to death in some cruel manner.  The old chief holding me by the hand, made a long speech, very loud, and when he had done he handed me to three young squaws, who led me by the hand down the bank, into the river, until the water was up to our middle.  The squaws then made signs to me to plunge myself into the water, but I did not understand them.  I thought the result of the council was that I should be drowned, and that these young ladies were to be the executioners.  They all three laid violent hold of me and I for some time opposed them with all my might, which occasioned loud laughter by the multitude that were on the bank of the river.  At length one of the squaws made out to speak a little English (for I believe they began to be afraid of me) and said “No hurt you.”  On this I gave myself up to their ladyships, who were as good at their word, for though they plunged me under water and washed and rubbed me severely, yet I could not say they hurt me much.


Those young women led me to the council house, where some of the tribe were ready with new clothes for me.  They gave me a new ruffled shirt, which I put on; also a pair of leggins done off with ribbons and beads, porcupine quills and red hair; also a tinsel-laced cappo.  They again painted my head and face with various colors, and tied a bunch or red feathers to one of those locks they had left in the crown of my head, which stood up five or six inches.  They seated me on a bearskin and gave me a pipe, tomahawk and polecat-skin pouch, which had been skinned pocket-fashion and contained tobacco, killegenico or dry sumach leaves, which they mix with their tobacco; also punk, flint and steel.  When I was thus seated, the Indians came in, dressed and painted in their grandest manner.  As they came in they took their seats, and for a considerable time there was profound silence; everyone was smoking, but not a word spoken among them.  At length one of the chiefs made a speech, which was delivered to me by an interpreter and was as follows: “My son, you are now flesh of our flesh and bone of our bone.  By the ceremony which was performed this day, every drop of white blood was washed out of your veins; you are take into the Caughnewago nation and initiated into a warlike tribe; you are adopted into a great family, and now received with great seriousness and solemnity in the room and place of a great man.  After what has passed this day, you are now one of us by an old strong law and custom.  My son, you now have nothing to fear—we are now under the same obligations to love, support and defend you, that we are to love and defend one another; therefore you are to consider yourself as one of our people.”  At this time I did not believe this fine speech, especially that of the white blood being washed out of me; but since that time I have found there was much sincerity in said speech; for, from that day, I never knew them to make any distinction between me and themselves, in any respect whatever, until I left them.

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If they had plenty of clothing, I had plenty; if we were scarce, we all shared one fate.


After this ceremony was over I was introduced to my new kin, and told that I was to attend a feast that evening, which I did.  And as the custom was, they gave me also a bowl and a wooden spoon, which I carried with me to the place, where there were a number of large brass kettles, full of boiled venison and green corn.  Everyone advanced with his bowl and spoon and had his share given him.  After this one of the chiefs made s short speech and we began to eat.


 SMITH DESCRIBES THE WAR-DANCE.


The name of one of the chiefs of this town was Tecanyaterigto, alias “Pluggy,” and the other Asallecoa, alias “Mohawk Solomon.”  As Pluggy and his party were to start the next day to war; to the frontiers of Virginia, the next thing to be performed was the war-dance and their war-songs.  At their war-dance they had both vocal and instrumental music; they had a short, hollow gum, closed at one end, with water in it, and a parchment stretched over the open end thereof, which they beat with one stick, and made a sound nearly like that of a muffled drum.  All of those who were going on this expedition collected together and formed.  An old Indian then began to sing, and timed the music by beating on this drum, as the ancients formerly timed their music by beating the tabor.  On this the warriors began to advance or move forward in concert, as well-disciplined troops would march to the fife and drum.  Each warrior had a tomahawk, spear or war-mallet in his hand, and they all moved regularly toward the east, or the way they intended to go to war.  At length they all stretched their tomahawks toward the Potomac, and giving a hideous shout or yell, they wheeled quick about and danced in the same manner back.  The next was the war-song.  In performing this only one sung at a time, in a moving posture, with a tomahawk in his hand, while all the other warriors were engaged in calling aloud, “He uh, he uh,” which they constantly repeated while the war-song was going on.  When the warrior who was singing had ended his song, he struck a war-post with his tomahawk and with a loud voice told what warlike exploits he had done and what he now intended to do, which were answered by the other warriors with loud shouts of applause.  Some who had not before intended to go to war at this time, were so animated by this performance that they took up the tomahawk and sung the war-song, which was answered with shouts of joy, as they were then initiated into the present marching company.  The next morning this company all collected at one place, with their heads and faces painted various colors, and packs upon their backs; they marched off, all silent except the commander, who, in the front sung the traveling-song, which began in this manner: “Hoo caughtainteheegana.”  Just as the rear passed the end of the town they began to fire in their slow manner, from the front to the rear, which was accompanied with shouts and yells from all quarters. 


A COURTING-DANCE.


This evening I was invited to another sort of dance, which was a kind of promiscuous dance.  The young men stood in one rank, and the young women in another, about one rod apart, facing each other.  The one that raised the tune, or started the song, held a small gourd or dry shell of a squash in his hand, which contained beads or small stones, which rattled.  When he began to sing he timed the tune with his rattle; both men and women danced and sung together, advancing toward each other, stooping until their heads would be touching together, and then ceased from dancing with loud shouts, and retreated and formed again, and so repeated the same thing over and over for three or four hours without intermission.  This exercise appeared to me at first irrational and insipid; but I found that in singing their tunes, “Ya ne no hoo wa ne,” etc., like our “Fa sol la,” and though they have no such thing as jingling verse, yet they can intermix sentences with their notes, and say what they please to each other, and carry on the tune in concert.  I found this was a find of wooing or courting-dance, and as they advanced stooping with their heads together, they could say what they pleased in each other’s ear, without disconcerting their rough music, and the others, or those near, not hear what they said. 


Smith describes an expedition about thirty or forty miles southwardly, to a spot which he supposed to be between the Ohio, Muskingum and Scioto rivers (Hocking river, near Athens), perhaps in Licking county.  It was a buffalo lick, where the Indians killed several buffalo, and in their small brass kettles made about half a bushel of salt.  Here were clear, open woods, and thin white-oak land, with several paths like wagon

roads leading to the lick.

 

SMITH GOES TO LAKE ERIE.


Returning to the Indian village on the Muskingum, Smith obtained an English Bible, which Pluggy and his party had brought back among other spoils of an expedition so far as the south branch of the Potomac.  He remained at Tullihas until October, when he accompanied his adopted brother, whose name was Tontileaugo, and who had married a Wyandot woman, to Lake Erie.  Their route was up the west branch of the Muskingum, through a country which is for some distance was “hilly, but intermixed with large bodies of tolerable rich upland and excellent bottoms.”  They proceeded to the headwaters of the west branch of the Muskingum, and thence crossed to the waters of a stream, called by Smith the “Canesadooharie.”  This was probably the Black river, which, rising in Ashland, and traversing Medina and Lorain counties (at least by the waters of its east branch), falls in Lake

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Erie a few miles north of Elyria.  If we suppose that Tullihas, situated twenty miles above the principal forks of the Muskingum, was near the junction of the Vernon and Mohican rivers, on the borders of Knox and Coshocton counties, Smith and his companion probably followed what is called on Thayer’s Map of Ohio, the Lake fork of the Mohican,” until they reached the northern portion of Ashland county, and there struck the headwaters of the Canesadooharie, where, as Smith testifies, they found “a large body of rich, well-lying land—the timber, ash, walnut, sugar-tree, buckeye, honey-locust and cherry, intermixed with some oak and hickory.” Let us here resume the narrative:


On this route we hand no horses with us, and when we started from the town all the pack I carried was a pouch, containing my books, a little dried venison and my blanket.  I had then no gun.  But Tontileaugo was a first-rate hunter, carried a rifle-gun, and every day killed deer, raccoons or bears.  We left the meat, excepting a little for present use, and carried the skins with us until we encamped, and then stretched them with elm bark on a frame made with poles stuck in the ground and tied together with linn or elm bark, and when the skins were dried by the fire we packed them up and carried them with us the next day. 


As Tontileaugo could not speak English, I had to make use of all the Caughnewaga I had learned even to talk very imperfectly with him.  But I found I learned to talk Indian faster this way than when I had those with me who could talk English.


As we proceeded down the Canesadooharie waters our packs increased by the skins that were daily killed, and became so heavy that we could not march more than eight or ten miles a day.


We came to Lake Erie about six miles west of the mouth of Canesadooharie.  As the wind was very high the evening we came to the lake, I was surprised to hear the roaring of the water and see the high waves that dashed against the shore like the ocean.  We encamped on a run near the lake, and as the wind fell that night, the surface was only in a moderate motion, and we marched on the sand along the side of the water, frequently resting ourselves as we were heavy laden.  I saw on the strand a number of large fish that had been left in flat or hollow places; as the wind fell and waves abated they were left without water, or only a small quantity, and numbers of bald and gray eagles, etc., were along the shore devouring them.


WYANDOT CAMP.


Some time in the afternoon we came to a camp of the Wyandots, at the mouth of the Canesadooharie, where Tontileaugo’s wife was.  [This is believed to be the Black River in Lorain County.]


Here we were kindly received: they gave us a kind of rough brown potatoes, which grew spontaneously, and were called by the Caughnewagas ohnenata.  These potatoes peeled, and dipped in raccoon’s fat, taste nearly like our sweet potatoes.  They gave us also what they called cancheanta, which is a kind of hominy made of green corn, dried, and beans mixed together.


From the headwaters of Canesadooharie to this place the land is generally good, chiefly first or second rate, and comparatively little or no third rate.  The only refuse is some swamps that appear to be too wet for use, yet I apprehend that a number of them if drained would make excellent meadows.  The timber is black oak, walnut, hickory, cherry, black ash, white ash, water ash, buckeye, black-locust, honey-locust, sugar-tree and elm.  There is also some land, though comparatively small, where the timber is chiefly white oak or beech; this may be called third rate.


In the bottoms, and also many places in the uplands, there is a large quantity of wild-apple, plum, and red and black haw trees.  It appeared to be well watered, and plenty of meadow ground intermixed with upland, but no large prairies or glades that I saw or heard of.  In this route deer, bear, turkeys and raccoon appeared plenty, but no buffalo, and very little signs of elks.


We continued our camp at the mouth of the Canesadooharie for some time, where we killed some deer and a great many raccoons: the raccoons here were remarkably large and fat.  At length we embarked in a birch canoe.  This vessel was four feet wide and three feet deep, and about five and thirty feet long;  and though it could carry a heavy burden, it was so artfully and curiously constructed that four men could carry it several miles, or from one landing place to another, or from the waters of the lake to the waters of the Ohio.  We proceeded up Canesadooharie a few miles, and went on shore to hunt; but to my great surprise, they carried the vessel that we all came in up the bank, and inverted it, or turned the bottom up, and converted it into a dwelling house, and kindled a fire before us to warm ourselves and cook.  With our baggage and ourselves in this house, we were very much crowed, yet our little house turned off the rain very well.


We kept moving and hunting up this river until we came to the falls: here we remained some weeks, and killed a number of deer, several bears and a great many raccoon.  They then buried their large canoe in the ground, which is the way to preserve this sort of canoe in the winter season.

 

INDIAN MANNER OF BUILDING CABINS.


As we had at this time no horses, every one had a pack on his back, and we steered an east course about twelve miles and encamped.  The next morning we proceeded on the same course about twelve miles to a large creek that empties into Lake Erie betwixt Canesadooharie and Cayahaga.  Here they made their winter cabin in the following form: they cut logs about fifteen feet long, and laid those logs upon each other, and

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drove posts in the ground at each end to keep them together : the posts they ties together at the top with bark, and by this means raised a wall fifteen feet long, and about 4 feet high, and in the same manner another wall opposite to this, at about 12 feet distance : they then drove forks in the ground in the center of each end, and laid a strong pole from end to end on these forks : and from these walls to the poles, they set up poles instead of rafters, and on these they tied small poles in place of laths : and a cover was made of linn bark, which will run even in the winter season.


As every tree will not run, they examine the tree first, by tying it near the ground, and when they find it will do, they fell the tree and raise the bark with the tomahawk, near the top of the tree, about five or six inches broad, then put the tomahawk handle under the bark, and pull it down to the butt of the tree; so that sometimes one piece of bark with be thirty feet long.  This bark they cut at suitable lengths in order to cover the hut.