JESSE HUGHES
Border Settlers, begun in 1896, has been
written under adversity during such time as could be spared from keeping the
traditional wolf from the door. The
volume is a growth from an original design to write a biography of Jesse
Hughes, the great Indian Scout of Western Virginia. Whatever its merits, it is the product of an incentive to place
in tangible form some of the unpublished records, history and traditions of the
pioneers of the most interesting region of our entire western border. In some instances widely scattered
authorities have been drawn from, in the belief that a complete, though
condensed history so far as practicable, was desirable. Comparatively, the printed record meagre;
but the field was found rich in unchronicled lore.
Nowhere in the Anglo-Saxon conquest of
the New World is there a territory so fraught with dramatic tragedy, personal
prowess and adventure, as the Trans-Allegheny.
For more than twenty years, embracing the Revolutionary struggle, amid
the dark mazes of this mighty wilderness, the Red and the White warriors met in
deadly conflict. It was a warfare
cruel, fierce and unrelenting; where mutual wrongs and implacable race hatred
ever whetted anew the murderous scalping knife and rendered unerring the aim of
the deadly rifle. The sombre dales of
the Monongahela and the deep glens of the Kanawhas' witnessed many a tragic
scene. The set purpose to found new
homes in the wilderness was met with a grim determination to maintain those
homes long established to the westward, by holding, if possible, this natural
barrier against the invader.
By instinct and training the contestants
stood fairly matched. Baring the
torture stake, the status of the "Advance guard of civilization," was
scarce above that of the Red guard of barbarism. The isolation of the settlers' cabins was responsible for the
many dreadful massacres of innocence; while the segregation of the Indians
alone secured them from the ravages of a like warfare. When the opportunity afforded, entire
families, bands and villages were ruthlessly destroyed. The wolf and the vulture ever hovered in the
wake of the Red and the White forayer.
The war whoop and the border yell were alike synonymous of death: - a
call for the carrion creatures to assemble in feast.
The antipathy of the Indian for the
"Long Knives" was well founded.
Nowhere in the early annals can we find such reckless dare-devil bravery
as displayed by the Virginia frontiersman; where every settler was a
warrior. And nowhere has the chronicler
dealt more unfairly with the memory of the forest ranger. If zeal in the extirpation of the Indian is
to be considered a virtue, then many of these bordermen were entitled to
canonization. Jesse Hughes and his two
noted brothers: - the peers of Boone, Brady, Kenton, the McColloughs', Wetzels'
and the Zanes', have but small space in the annals, while the names of others
of scarce less ability are practically unknown. In the present work, many of the deeds of these scouts are, for
the first time, made public.
Pathos and tragedy are the component
parts of the early history of this region.
Domestic life held but little cheer. The warrior-settler engaged so constantly
in scouting and the chase,
was not only necessarily improvident, but his meagre wages for military
services were often in arrears. On the
wife and the mother devolved the heavier burden of providing for the family. It
was not enough that she spin and manufacture clothing, but the "corn
patch" and the "truck patch" were usually the product of her
toil, aided, perhaps, by the children.
Unceasing danger and hardships were her portion, and her worth has never
been appreciated.
A descendant of one of the oldest and
most noted pioneer families of the upper Monongahela, writes me.
"In writing the record of the
wilderness heroes, do not forget that it was our old grandmothers who cooked
for all the people around open wood fires when they attended church in their
cabin homes: that there were as many noble women as there were noble men, true
heroines, who with but few pleasures to mitigate the monotony of their hard,
arduous lives; they toiled without murmur or complaint. Their courage, industry, patience and
self-denial, were the beautiful as well as the pathetic side of the pioneer
life in those trying days. They were
the real foundations of the great civilization of our land. Do not forget our grandmothers."
This is true; and the historian has
failed to recognize the actual part of these grandmothers in the settlement and
development of the Trans-Allegheny.
When life in the boundless woods threatened to revert husband, father
and son to hopeless barbarism, it was their influence which checkmated the
seductive "call of the wild."
PEACE TO THEIR
MEMORY.
The following is a list of the names of
men for whose military records search was made among the archives of the War
Department, and the Pension Office, Washington, D. C. With the exception
of a few soldiers of the War of 1812, which are so designated, all were for
services during the Revolutionary War, either Continental Troops or State
Militia; which latter included frontier
scouts or rangers. Many of these never
applied for pension; some dying before the pension laws covering their case
were enacted. The prospect of a record
through the widow's claim was an incentive for the examination. I am indebted to Laura Gertrude Rogers, of
Washington City, for the splendid results obtained, which are fully set forth
in the course of this volume. It was found that not a few of the bravest
defenders of the border were left entirely without the pale of any pensioning
legislation.
Baily, Capt. Minter; Bent, Belt or Broadbelt, James (War 1812); Biggs,
Lieut. Joseph; Bonnett, Jacob; Bonnett,
Lewis; Bonnett, Peter; Bozarth, Cap.
John (War 1812); Bozarth, George (War of
1812); Brake, Jacob; Brown, John; Bush, Jacob; Bush, John; Butcher, Paulcene.
Carpenter, Christopher; Carpenter, Jesse;
Carpenter, John; Connells, Col. John (War 1812); Cotteral, Thomas; Cutright,
John; Cutright, Benjamin; Cutright, Peter.
Davisson, Hezekiah; Dorman, Timothy;
Drennen, Thomas; Duval, John P. Flesher, Adam;
Flesher, Henry; Forenash, Jacob.
Green, George; Gregory, Capt. Joseph.
Hacker, John; Hacker, William; Hall,
Joseph; Hess, Hezekiah (1776-1812); Hicks, Sotha; Hinzman, Henry; Hughes, Jesse
(for widow's claim); Hughes, Elias; Hughes, Thomas; Hughes, Job;
Hughes,
Charles, Hughes, Charles (War of 1812); Hughes, David (War of 1812); Hughes
(any name Volunteer from Licking Co., Ohio. War 1812); Hurst, William; Hurst
(any name); Hurst, John (War of 1812); Hurst, Daniel (War of 1812); Hurst,
William (War of 1812).
Jackson, John; Jackson, George; Jackson,
Edward; Jackson, Henry; Jenkins, Bartholomew.
One John Pringle was a settler on
Chaplin's Fork, Kentucky, in 1780. He
came with a fleet of three boats from the Wappatomaka, and in an encounter with
the Indians, led by Simon Girty,
Pringle's boat alone escaped. He
married Rebecca Simpson, a sister to a John Simpson, from whom she inherited
slaves in 1825.
Samuel Pringle settled permanently on the
Buckhannon, and was prominent in the border wars. From sworn statements preserved in the Government Pension Office,
it would appear that, Samuel
Pringle was at one time during the Revolution, captain of a band of scouts, but
as no claim for pension on account of his Revolutionary service was made, we find
no actual record of his military career.
His wife, Charity Cutright, was the daughter of Benjamin Cutright, and a
sister of John Cutright, Jr., the noted scout of the Buckhannon. A family tradition has it that Samuel and
Charity were married before the fugitive brothers made residence in the
Sycamore, where Mrs. Pringle joined her husband in 1767, guided by a path
blazed by John when he first sought the settlements. Another account says they were not married until after the return
of the brothers to the Wappatomaka, although a warm attachment had sprung up
between the young couple, while the deserters were at Looney's Creek in
1762. It is more than probable that the
marriage was consummated during the brief stay of Pringle at Looney's Creek,
and that the devoted wife actually traversed the wilderness path to her absent
husband.
The children of Samuel and Charity were
William, John, Samuel, Elizabeth and another daughter whose name is not
recalled. Their descendants are
numerous in the Buckhannon country, while some are scattered through sections of
Ohio and Indiana.
The claim that the Pringles, as soldiers
in the Royal Army, only came to America during the French and Indian wars, can
not be accepted as fact. It is not
probable that such men would have deserted and fled to a wilderness fraught
with known dangers with which they were unqualified to cope. Border Colonial troops, as in the Patriot
Army of the Revolution, chafed at restraint and discipline, and often
deserted. The Pringles evinced a
consummate skill in woodcraft, not attributable to the raw European soldier.
It is a remarkable coincidence that a
William Pringle resided in Philadelphia, who had two sons named John and
Samuel, born in 1728 and 1731 respectively.
It is not improbable that this family
removed to the Virginia border and that the sons were identical with those of
later renown.
Momentous events were destined to follow
in the wake of these wilderness refugees.
In the autumn of 1768, several adventurous and prospective settlers
under the guidance of Samuel, visited the region of the Pringle refuge, and so
well pleased were they, that the following spring they returned, selected
lands, cleared small fields, planted crops and built cabins preparatory to
bringing their families. After the
crops were "laid by," the men returned to the settlements, and in the
fall when they came back to harvest their corn, they found it entirely
destroyed by buffaloes. This delayed
the removal of the families, or at least a greater part of them, until the
winter of 1770.
With Pringle's band of prospectors of
1769, came a youth of about nineteen - Jesse Hughes. He was of Welsh extraction, slight in his proportions, and light
and active in his movements. He
possessed a form as erect as that of an Indian, and had endurance and fleetness
of limb that no man of his day surpassed. His height was about five feet and
nine inches, and his weight never
exceeded one hundred and forty-five pounds.
He had thin lips, A narrow chin, a nose that was sharp and inclined to
the Roman form, little or no beard, light hair, and eyes of that indefinable
color that one person would pronounce grey, another blue, but which was both -
and neither. They were piercing, cold,
fierce, and as penetrating and restless as those of the mountain
panther. Said one who knew him:
"Hughes had eyes like a rattlesnake." It has been averred, and
without contradiction, that Jesse Hughes, like the famed "Deaf Smith"
of Texas, could detect the presence of an Indian at a considerable distance by
the mere sense of smell. He was of an
irritable, vindictive, and suspicious nature, and his hatred, when aroused,
knew no bounds. Yet it is said that he
was true to those who gained his friendship. Such was Jesse Hughes in character and
appearance when he arrived in that country destined to become his future home,
and where he became the noted hunter, the great scout and famous
Indian fighter of Northwestern Virginia.
In an interview with an intelligent and
reputable lady, now deceased, who, in her childhood, had known Jesse Hughes,
and had been intimately acquainted with some of his family, I was given this
vivid description of the characteristics and personal appearance of the great
Indian fighter:
"Hughes' countenance was hard, stern
and unfeeling; his eyes were the most cruel and vicious I ever saw. He was profane and desperately wicked. He was very superstitious, and a firm
believer in witchcraft. He told
horrible stories of how witches would crawl like spiders over the naked bodies
of babies, causing them to cry out from pain and misery; and he would conjure
to counteract the witches, and offer incantations to overcome their evil
influence. His temper was fierce and
uncontrollable, often finding vent in the abuse of his family. In a drunken
brawl near West's Fort, he and a Mr. Stalnaker nearly killed lchabod Davis, his
neighbor, leaving the unconscious victim for dead. Hughes fled from the settlement, but returned after Davis
recovered. He never worked, but spent
his time in hunting and scouting. His
clothing was colored in the ooze made from the bark of the chestnut oak; he
would wear no other color, this shade harmonizing with the forest hues and
rendering him less conspicuous to game and Indians. When scouting, his dress consisted only of the long hunting
shirt, belted at the waist, open leggins, moccasins, and a brimless cap; or a
handkerchief bound about his head. Thus
dressed, he was ever ready for the chase, or the trail of the Indian foe."
When further questioned as to his traits
of character, the lady bluntly closed the interview by saying, "I would
not tell all I know about Jesse Hughes for this much gold," designating
the amount she could hold in her doubled-hands. "There are," she continued, "too many of his
descendants living about here." Nor could she be induced to speak further
on the subject.
His mode of dress, as above described,
has been amply verified from other sources.
When Indian incursions were expected, Jesse Hughes wore his hunting
shirt both day and night, without regard to weather.
Mrs. Catharine Simms-Allman remembered
that when she was a little girl, Jesse Hughes came to her father's house on
Hacker's Creek, one mile below West's Fort, early one morning, and ordered them
to run to the fort. Upon that occasion
his dress consisted of the hunting shirt and moccasins only. He was riding a pony without a saddle, and
mounted her mother behind him, and with one of the children in his arms,
galloped to the fort. This incident
occurred while Hughes lived at the mouth of Jesse's Run.
At the end of his cabin, Hughes erected a
"lean-to," where at all times he kept his pony ready for instant use
in case of an Indian alarm.
Of the pioneers who came with Pringle
into the Buckhannon country, Withers says:
"The others of the party (William
Hacker, Thomas and Jesse Hughes, John and William Radcliff and John Brown)
appear to have employed their time exclusively in hunting, neither of them
making any improvement of land for his own benefit. Yet they were of
considerable service to the new settlement.
Those who had commenced clearing land, were supplied by them with an
abundance of meat, while in their hunting excursions through the country, a
better knowledge of it was obtained, than could have been acquired, had they
been engaged in making improvements.
"In one of these expeditions they
discovered and gave name to Stone Coal Creek, which flowing westwardly, induced
the supposition that it discharged itself directly into the Ohio. Descending this creek, to ascertain the
fact, they came to its confluence with a river, which they then called, and has
since been known as the West Fork.
After having gone some distance down the river, they returned by a
different route to the settlement, better pleased with the land on
it and some of its tributaries, than with that on Buckhannon."
The hunters evidently returned to the
settlement by way of Hacker's Creek.
The Indian name for this stream signifies "Muddy Water."
It is astonishing when we realize how
little there is recorded of the actual border life of Jesse Hughes, and other
noted scouts of Northwestern Virginia.
Especially is this true when we
remember that Mr. Withers wrote his Chronicles of Border Warfare in the midst
of the very scenes of some of the most daring escapades and bloody achievements
of border strife; and
this,
too, while many of the principal actors in the tragedies were still
living. It is but natural that we
should expect a reasonably complete record of local events; but, unfortunately
we find the record as preserved for us woefully deficient. A careful perusal of the excellent work in
question, reveals the fact that a greater part of that section of it which
deals with local
affairs is not so complete, nor are the events so carefully portrayed, as is
that part which treat matters pertaining to more distant localities. It cannot be denied that the first part of
the volume, which sets out the general history of the more distant settlements,
is more complete, more concise, and far more minutely written than the latter
portion, which is largely local. Dr. Thwaites recognized this deficiency. In the Editor's Preface to the revised edition
he says:
"The weakness of the traditional
method is well exemplified in Withers' work.
His treatment of many of the larger events on the border may now be
regarded as little else than a thread on which to hang annotations;***"
There must have been a cause for this
deficiency, which becomes very apparent when we read Dr. Lyman C. Draper's
Memoir of Withers, and the letter from Mr. Bond set out below. Dr. Draper
tells us that:
" * * * Mr. Withers got nothing
whatever for his diligence and labor in producing it [Border Warfare], save two
or three copies of the work itself. He
used to say that had he published the volume himself, he would have made it
much more complete, and better in every way; for he was hampered, limited and
hurried - often correcting proof of the early, while writing the later
chapters."
The letter from Mr. Bond is in response
to an inquiry, and
is as
follows:
"LOST
CREEK, W. VA., January 23, 1898.
Mr. L. V. MCWHORTER,
MASON, OHIO.
DEAR
SIR:
"Your letter received, and in reply
will say; I am a grandson of William Powers, one of the men who got up Border
Warfare; William Hacker was the other. This work lay dormant in their hands for
many years. Hacker passed away first.
Powers purchased Hacker's interest in the work, and it lay in his hands until
1831, when Joseph Israel, an editor in Clarksburg, bought the manuscript and
arranged for its publication by employing Alexander Scott Withers to prepare it
for the press. Accordingly Mr. Withers
took up the work, and after he had it about half completed some friend told him
that he was likely to get nothing for his labor, and that Israel was poor and
could not raise the amount of money agreed upon. Mr. Withers did not want to leave the work in that condition and said,
'I will dispose of it in some shape.' So he ran through the most notable and
prominent features, leaving the balance entirely out.
"Now from this time on you and all
others will see that the second part of Border Warfare is rather incomplete and
scattered as compared to the first part of the volume.
"This is the history that my
grandfather gave me of the work from his own lips. My grandfather lived on a farm adjoining Jane Lew [West Fort],
about three miles from Withers' office, and was there several times while
Withers was preparing the work, and he told me these things himself.
"I am the only man that can give
this history, as I am the only one living who took any account of these
things. I am now in my eighty-second
year.
"In regard to Jesse Hughes, my
grandfather told me that they had hunted Indians together, and were in the
volunteer company pursuing the Indians on the Little Kanawha, when John Bonnett
was killed; that Jesse was the best trailer among the whites and could trail
with any Indian on the border. Jesse's
brother Ellis was also a noted scout. While he could not trail with Jesse, he
was the greater with the rifle, and could hit an Indian under any and all
circumstances within
the range of his rifle. He was a dead shot.
"When hunting, Ellis could get more
game than Jesse at long range, but at the end of the day Jesse would have as
much, but he would get it by slipping upon it unawares. In this, as in trailing Indians, he had no
equal."
Yours truly,
LEVI BOND.
Here, then, we have the solution to the
mystery of the incomplete and defective character of the history in question.
This very apparent fault is lamentable.
It is the incidental details
that give interest to local history.
There is little wonder that Mr. Withers became discouraged and lost
interest in his noble but arduous task.
A less energetic and patriotic man would have dropped the work entirely when
it became apparent that there would be no compensation for his labor. All honor to Mr. Withers!
There is considerable mention of Jesse
Hughes in the annals of Virginia, particularly in the early settlement of
Northwestern Virginia, particularly those portions relating to the Indian wars
of the period. But taken all together
there is not enough to give the reader any accurate idea of Hughes and the
important part he played in the settlement of the central regions of the
present State of West Virginia. It
will, however, aid the reader much when combined with what has been preserved
herein and published for the first time.
For this reason I have decided to reproduce in this chapter the extended
reference to him found in the History of the Early Settlement and Indian Wars
of Western Virginia, by Dr. Willis DeHass, Wheeling, 1851. Another reason for this quotation is that
this work is so very rare that it cannot be consulted by the average reader. It is a work of high order and has been an
authority for more than half a century.
A few references to Hughes from other sources will be found in this
chapter.
JESSE HUGHES
"One of the most active, daring and
successful Indian hunters in the mountain region of Virginia, was Jesse
Hughes. He has not inappropriately been
styled the Wetzel of that portion of the state, and in many respects, certainly
was not undeserving of that distinctive appellation. Jesse Hughes possessed in an imminent degree the rare
constituents of courage and energy.
These qualities, so essential in those days of savage warfare, gained
for him the confidence of the sturdy men for the post by whom he was
surrounded, and often induced them to select
him for the post of leader in their various expeditions against the enemy. Many
are the tales of adventure which the people of West Fork and Little Kanawha
relate of this notable personage. A few
of these we have collected and now give.
"Hughes was a native of the region
to which his operations were chiefly confined.
He was born on the headwaters of the Monongahela, and grew to manhood
amid the dangers and privations which the people of that section of Virginia
endured during the long years of a border warfare. Early learning that the rifle and tomahawk were his principal
means of maintenance and defense, he became an adept in their use and refused
to acknowledge a superior anywhere.
Passionately devoted
to the wood, he became invaluable to the settlements as hunter and scout. A man
of delicate frame, but an iron constitution, he could endure more fatigue than
any of his associates, and thus was enabled to remain abroad at all seasons
without inconvenience or detriment.
Many were the threatened blows which his vigilance averted, and numerous
lives of helpless settlers his strong arm reached forth to save. The recollection of his services and
devotion is still cherished with a lively feeling of admiration by the people
of the region with which his name is so intimately associated.
"The following incidents
illustrative of his career, we derive from sources entitled to every
credit. The one which immediately
follows is from an old and intimate friend of Hughes (Mr. Renick of Ohio), to whom it was communicated
by the hero himself, and afterwards confirmed by Mr. Harness, who was one of
the expedition. The time of the
incident was about 1790.
"'No Indian depredations had
recently occurred in the vicinity of Clarksburg, and the inhabitants began to
congratulate themselves that difficulties were finally at an end.
"'One night a man hearing the fence
of a small lot, he had a horse in, fall, jumped up and running out saw an
Indian spring on the horse and dash off.
The whole settlement was alarmed in an hour or two, a company of twenty-five
or thirty men were paraded, ready to start by daylight. They took a circle outside of the
settlement, and soon found the trail of apparently eight or ten horses, and
they supposed, about that many Indians.
The captain (chosen before Hughes joined the company) called a halt, and
held a council to determine in what manner to
pursue them. The captain and a majority
of the company were for following on their trail: Hughes was opposed, and he
said he could pilot them to the spot where the Indians would cross the Ohio, by
a nearer way than the enemy could go, and if they reached there before the
Indians, could intercept them and be sure of success. But the commander insisted on pursuing the trail. Hughes then tried another argument: he
pointed out the danger of trailing the Indians: insisted that they would waylay
their trail, in order to know if they were pursued, and would choose a
situation where they could shoot two or three and set them at defiance; And
alarming the others, the Indians would out-travel them and make their
escape. The commander found that Hughes
was like to get a majority for his plan, in which event he (the captain) would
lose the honor of planning the expedition.
Hughes, by some, was considered too wild for the command, and it was nothing
but jealousy that kept him from it, for in most of the Indian excursions, he
got the honor of the best plan, or did the best act that was performed. The commander
then broke up the council by calling aloud to the men to follow him and let the
cowards go home, and dashed off full speed, the men ail following. Hughes knew
the captain's remark was intended for him, and felt the insult in the highest
degree, but followed on with the rest.
They had not gone many miles until the trail ran down a ravine where the
ridge on one side was very steep, with a ledge of rock for a considerable
distance. On the top of this cliff two
Indians lay in ambush, and when the company got opposite they made a noise of some
kind, that caused the men to stop: that instant two of the company were shot
and mortally wounded. They now found
Hughes' prediction fully verified, for they had to ride so far round before
they could get up the cliff, that the Indians with ease made their escape.
"'They all now agreed that Hughes'
plan was the best, and urged him to pilot them to the river where the Indians
would cross. He agreed to do it; but
was afraid it might be too late, for the Indians knew that they were pursued
and would make a desperate push. After
leaving some of the company to take care of the wounded men, they put off for
the Ohio river, at the nearest point, and got there the next day shortly after
the Indians had crossed. The water was
still muddy, and the rafts that they crossed on were floating down the opposite
shore. The men were now unanimous for returning home. Hughes soon got satisfaction for the insult the captain had given
him: he said he wanted to find out who the cowards were; that if any of them
would go, he would cross the river and scalp some of the Indians. They all refused. He then said if one man
would go with him, he would undertake it; but none would consent. Hughes then said he would go and take one of
their scalps, or leave his own.
"'The company now started home, and
Hughes went up the river three or four miles, keeping out of sight of it, for
he expected the Indians were watching them to see if they would cross. He there made a raft, crossed the river, and
encamped for the night. The next day he
found their trail, and pursued it very cautiously, and about ten miles from the
Ohio found their camp. There was but
one Indian in it, the rest were out hunting.
The Indian left to keep camp, in order to pass away the time, got to
playing the fiddle on some bones that they had for
the purpose. Hughes crept up and shot
him, took his scalp and made the best of his way home.
"The following characteristic
anecdote goes far to illustrate the great discernment and instantaneous
arrangement of plans of this shrewd and skillful Virginia hunter.
"It is a general belief that the
Indian is exceedingly cunning; unrivalled in the peculiar knowledge of the
woods, and capable, by the extraordinary imitative faculties which he
possesses, to deceive either man, beast or fowl. This is true to a certain extent; but still, with all his natural
sagacity and quick perception of a native woodman, the Indian warrior falls
short of the acquired knowledge of a well trained hunter, as the following case
serves to illustrate. Jesse Hughes was more than a match at any
time for the most wary savage in the forest.
In his ability to anticipate all their artifices, he had but few equals,
and fewer still, superiors. But, to the
incident.
"At a time of great danger from the
incursions of the Indians, when the citizens of the neighborhood were in a fort
at Clarksburg, Hughes one morning, observed a lad very intently fixing his
gun. 'Jim', said he, 'what are you
doing that for?' 'I am going to shoot a turkey that I hear gobbling on the
hillside,' said Jim. 'I hear no
turkey,' said the other. 'Listen,' said
Jim: 'there, didn't you hear it? Listen again.' 'Well,' says Hughes, after
hearing it repeated, 'I'll go and kill it.' 'No you won't, said the boy, 'it is
my turkey; I heard
it first.' 'Well,' said Hughes, 'but you know I am the best shot. I'll go and kill it, and give you the
turkey.' The lad demurred but at length agreed. Hughes went out of the fort on
the side that was farthest from the supposed turkey, and passing along the
river, went up a ravine and cautiously creeping through the bushes behind the
spot, came in whence the cries issued, and, as he expected, espied a large
Indian sitting on a chestnut stump, surrounded by sprouts,
gobbling, and watching if any one would come from the fort to kill the turkey. Hughes shot him before the Indian knew of
his approach, took off the scalp, and went into the fort, where Jim was waiting
for his prize. 'There now,' says Jim,
'you have let the turkey go. I would
have killed it if I had gone.' 'No,' says Hughes, 'I didn't let it go;' and,
taking out the scalp, threw it down.
'There take your turkey, Jim, I don't want it.' The lad was overcome,
and nearly fainted to think of the certain death he had escaped, purely by the keen
perception
and good management of Jesse Hughes.'
"Jesse Hughes, as we have already
stated, was often of invaluable service to the settlements along the upper
Monongahela, by advising them of the approach of Indians. On one occasion, a considerable body of the
common enemy attacked a fort near Clarksburg, and but for the energy and
fearlessness of Hughes might have reduced the frail structure, and massacred
every one within it. This daring man
boldly went forth for succor, and succeeded in reaching a neighboring station
in safety. Immediately a company of men left to relieve the besieged, when the
Indians, fearing the superior numbers, retreated in haste.
"Hughes' scouting expeditions were
not always confined to the extreme upper regions of the Monongahela. He often visited the stations lower down, an
spent much of his time at Prickett's fort, also at the stockade where
Morgantown now stands, and many other settlements in the neighborhood. He was a great favorite, and no scouting
party could be complete, unless Jesse Hughes had something to do with it. We regret that our limits will not allow us
to give more incidents in his very eventful life."
Mr. Luther Haymond, who is still living
at Clarksburg, says that William Powers, while on his death-bed, told him that
the incident of Hughes and the turkey never occurred at Clarksburg; that he
knew the settlement from the beginning, and that the story was a mistake. Powers had an impression that he had heard a
similar story as occurring east of the mountains. Mr. Haymond says that Powers was well posted on events happening
on the frontier after his arrival.
Mr. James Stanley Gandee, a son of
Jesse's daughter Massie, often heard both his mother and his Aunt Rachel
Cottrell tell the Hughes turkey story. There
never was any doubt about its authenticity. As related by them, the occurrence was
substantially the same as recorded by DeHass, but the place was West's Fort,
instead of Clarksburg. The lad who
first heard the turkey
and who was preparing to go shoot it, was James Tanner, a brother to Jesse's
wife, and was then some fourteen or fifteen years of age.
I was told by Mrs. Mary Straley, of
Hacker's Creek, who had known Jesse Hughes and some of his family, that the boy
who figured in the turkey story was Jim McCullough. Mrs. Straley seemed
to have no doubts regarding the credibility of the story, but did not state
where it occurred. She was well
informed on the early history of the Hacker's Creek settlement, and was a woman
of high integrity.
It
must be borne in mind that Jesse Hughes never took up a residence at
Clarksburg, although he spent much of his time about the fort there. His scouting expeditions extended all over
the Virginia border and western Pennsylvania.
That William Powers should have heard a
similar story east of the mountains cannot militate against the authenticity of
the Hughes' story. Border lore abounds
in such incidents. J. Lewis Peyton
gives the following on Jesse Hughes, evidently epitomized from DeHass:
"One of the most active, daring and
successful Indian hunters in the mountain region of Virginia was Jesse
Hughes-sometimes styled the Wetzel of his portion of the State. He was born on the headwaters of the Monongahela,
Va., about 1768, and early became skilled in the use of the rifle and
tomahawk. He was a man of iron
constitution, and could endure extraordinary privations and fatigue. Many anecdotes are told of his encounters
with the red men and of the invaluable
services he rendered to the white settlements on the Monongahela. Jesse Hughes was more than a match at any
time for the most wary savage in the forest.
In his ability to anticipate all their artifices, he had few equals and
no superiors. He was a great favorite,
and no scouting party could be complete unless Jesse Hughes had something to
do with it."
Jesse Hughes is mentioned frequently in
Withers' Chronicles of Border Warfare, referred to hereinbefore, and which will
be duly noticed in the course of this history.
In Doniphan's Expedition, by William E.
Connelley, there is a biographical sketch of Colonel John Taylor Hughes, a
member of the expedition of Colonel Alexander W. Doniphan in the Mexican
War. Colonel Hughes became the historian
of the expedition. He was a gallant soldier,
and was killed at the battle of Independence, Missouri, in the Civil War. Of Colonel Hughes, the biographical sketch
says:
"His father was Samuel Swan Hughes,
the descendant of Stephen Hughes and his wife Elizabeth Tarlton Hughes. Stephen Hughes came to Maryland from Wales,
probably from Carnarvonshire, but possibly from Glamorganshire. The date of his arrival in America has not
been preserved. His son Absalom moved
to Powhatan County, Virginia, where he intermarried with the daughter of a
planter whose name was also Hughes, and whose Christian name was either David
or Jesse-most probably Jesse. He lived on Hughes Creek, in that county, and was
a man of character and influence; many of his descendants live yet in Virginia
and West Virginia, and some of
them live in other parts of the United States.
Joseph, the son of Absalom Hughes, married Sarah Swan. He moved to Kentucky about the year 1790,
and settled in Woodford County. There
his son, Samuel Swan Hughes, married Nancy Price, daughter of Colonel William
Price, a Virginia soldier of the Revolution,"
Jesse Hughes, who lived on the stream
then known as Hughes Creek, in Powhatan County, Virginia, was related by blood
to Stephen Hughes, and had preceded him from Wales to America. The Hughes and Swan families were pioneer
families in Virginia, and in their migrations they kept well together, members
of them often intermarrying. And from
the intermarriage of Stephen Hughes
with his kinswoman, the daughter of Jesse Hughes, in Powhatan County, Virginia,
Jesse Hughes, the famous pioneer and woodsman of Western Virginia, was probably
descended.
The date of the birth of Jesse Hughes is
not known to be of record, and cannot be fixed with accuracy; and the place is
also uncertain. DeHass and Peyton agree
as to the place; but Peyton alone gives the date. Evidently they are both in error. The citation heretofore made to the work of Withers shows that
Jesse Hughes was an active hunter in the Buckhannon settlement in 1769. This
was the first permanent settlement established on the waters of the upper
Monongahela, and we find him there but one year later than the date given by
Peyton as that of his birth. it is well nigh impossible that he should have
been born on the waters of the
Monongahela. The Blue Ridge marked the
western frontier of Virginia as late as 1763.
The few settlements scattered beyond that boundary towards the Ohio, the
westernmost of which was on
Looney Creek, a tributary of the James, were not permanent, and were almost all
destroyed by the conspiracy of Pontiac.
Jesse Hughes was born about the year
1750. It might have been a year earlier
or later, though it is not probable that it could vary a year either way from
that date. As to the place of his
birth, the evidence at hand indicates that it was east of the Allegheny
Mountains, perhaps on the waters of the Wappatomaka of the Potomac. Susan Turner Hughes, the widow of George W.
Hughes, a descendant of Jesse Hughes, told William E. Connelley, October 6,
1902, at Henry, Grant County, West Virginia, that: "Old Jesse Hughes was
born right over here on Jackson's River, close to the Greenbrier county-line. I
have passed the place myself, in company
with my husband, who pointed out the place, which is in a fine river bottom. He
was born in the winter, and the wolves were starving in the woods because of
the deep now. The night he was born they came into the yard and fought the dogs
and ran them under the house and fought them there, and were only driven out by
burning gunpowder on the hearth." Mrs. Hughes could not give the date of
his birth, but said he was "A right smart chunk of a lad at the time of
Braddock's battle."
If Mrs. Hughes was right, Jesse Hughes
must have been born in Allegheny County Virginia. Complete reliance cannot, however, be placed upon the information
given by her; for some things
which she related of Jesse Hughes, while they may be the local traditions of
the country, could not be reconciled with known facts. Her description of the man and his cruel and
bloodthirsty course towards the Indians coincides perfectly with what is known
to be true. She said: "Old Jesse
Hughes had eyes like a painter [panther] and could see at night almost as well
as one. He could hear the slightest
noise made in the forest at a great distance, and he was always disturbed by
any noise he could not account for. He
knew the ways of every animal and bird in the woods, and was familiar with the
sounds and cries made by them. Any
unusual cry or action of an animal or bird, or any note or sound of alarm made
by either, caused him to stop and look about until he knew the cause. He could go through the woods, walking or
running, without making any noise, unless the leaves were very dry, and then he
made very little. He was as stealthy and noiseless as a painter, and could
creep up on a deer without causing it any fright. And he could outrun any Indian that ever prowled the forest. He was as savage as a wolf, and he liked to
kill an Indian better than to eat his dinner."
If Jesse Hughes was born on Jackson's
River, the shiftings common on the disturbed border must have caused his
parents to move to the Wappatomaka settlements, for he came into western Virginia
with hunters from that region. Thomas
Hughes, who was killed on Hacker's Creek by the Indians in April, 1778, was
Jesse's father; but no record or tradition indicating that he had settled
on this stream, has ever been found. In
1781 a certificate was granted "Edmund West, assignee to Thomas Hughes,
Senr., 400 acres on Sicamore Lick run, a branch of the West Fork [Harrison
County] opposite Thomas Heughs [Hughes] junr's land, to include his settlement
made in 1773, with a pre-emption to 1,000 acres adjoining." This is the
earliest record that I have found regarding the settling of Thomas Hughes, Sr.
on the upper Monongahela waters. With
some of the Radcliffs he settled on Elk Creek near Clarksburg, and his family
still resided there in the fall of 1793.
A family tradition has it that when the Indians ambushed and killed
their father, who was then quite old and bald-headed," Jesse and Elias
solemnly pledged themselves "to kill Injuns as long as they lived and
could see to kill them." Most terribly was that awful pledge redeemed. It will be seen, however, that both had
killed Indians before the tragic death of their father, which event
intensified, if possible, their hatred of the Indians, but was not the cause in
which this hatred originated.
I have not been able to find any printed
record showing that Jesse Hughes was an enrolled Spy or Ranger on the border.
An inquiry to the Bureau of Pensions,
Washington, D. C., elicited the reply that "a careful search of the
Revolutionary War pension rolls fails to show a claim for any Jesse Hughes
other than Survivor's File No. 9594." This was the Jesse Hughes, of
Fluvanna County, Virginia, mentioned further on in this chapter.
Jesse Hughes, the scout, died prior to
the Act of Congress, June 4, 1832, pensioning the soldiers of the Revolution,
and if his services were pensionable, his widow, who survived him several
years, never applied for same.
An inquiry made to the War Department
failed to disclose any record of military enlistment by our Jesse Hughes. This, however, is true of others who were contemporary
with Jesse, and who
were known to have regularly enlisted in some branch of the military.
To a like inquiry to the Virginia State
Library, Richmond, came the responses that, "neither the Muster Rolls of
the State troops, nor the claims for Bounty Lands of that period, contain any
record of the Jesse Hughes in question."
The Thomas Hughes who accompanied
Pringle's Band of settlers to the Buckhannon, in 1769, was Jesse's younger
brother, born about 1754. His
inordinate passion for sport and adventure lured him to this Eldorado of the
hunter. He afterwards settled on the
West Fork River, and was the same Thomas Hughes whom we find on Hacker's Creek,
and who hastened to the rescue of the Flesher family when they were attacked by
the Indians in 1784, near where the town of Weston now stands.
The homestead register of Monongalia
County shows that in 1781, Thomas Hughes was granted a certificate for
"400 acres on the West Fork, adjoining lands of Elias Hughes, to include
his settlement
made in 1773." The records of 1780 show that Thomas Hughes assigned to
Thomas John (?) his claim to 250 acres on Ten Mile Creek (Harrison County),
"to include his settlement made in the year 1772." Whether this
assignor was the senior or junior Thomas Hughes, is not known, but the logical
inference is that it was the latter.
The date of the assignment is not of record.
Although Thomas Hughes, Jr., was one of
the most capable and persistent scouts on the Virginia frontier, the only
reference that we find to him in history, is his connection with the Flesher
occurrence in 1784.
In 1833 or 1834, Hughes applied for a
pension, and we have a glimpse of his border life in the meagre record
preserved in the government Pension Office at Washington. Hughes was illiterate and his name always
appears with the customary "X." His original application, or
declaration with accompanying papers, has been destroyed, but from the
fragmentary record we learn that he was a resident on the West Fork of the Monongahela
in 1774, and from that year until 1779 he was, every year, actively engaged in
scouting from the West Fork to the Ohio River, under Captain William
Lowther. His consummate skill in
woodcraft, his bravery and caution, soon won for him a subaltern leadership. He was subsequently commissioned a Lieutenant of Indian Spies in Capt.
Lowther's Company, a trust he did not resign until the spring of 1784. After this, he continued on ranging
excursions to the different forts until the close of the Indian War in 1795.
During this service, he was stationed at West's Fort, and at Richards' Fort on
the West Fork.
In 1780, Lieutenant Hughes was riding a
pathway about mid way between the West and Richards' Forts, when he discovered
an Indian mounted on a horse, recognized to be that of Adam O'Brien's. The Lieutenant sprang from his horse and
fired at the Indian wounding him, when he fled. Hughes was determined if possible to recapture the stolen horse,
and in company with Alexander
West pursued the Indian, tracking him by the blood. They found the tracks of several Indians, but lost the trail
entirely at the West Fork River. It was
supposed that the wounded
Indian, perhaps dying, had been sunk in the river by his comrades.
In the affidavit of John Cartwright
(Cutright), who in 1834 testified for Hughes, it would appear that Hughes was
in some regular military expedition against the Indians, from which he returned
in 1784. Cutright declares that after
this, although he was stationed at the Buckhannon Fort, he and Hughes went
spying and ranging together until 1795, and that Lieutenant Hughes lost much
property through Indians.
William Powers, Alexander West and Adam
Flesher also testified for Hughes in his claim for pension, while John
McWhorter, J. P., vouched for the integrity of these witnesses.
W.G. Singleton, Special Pension Agent,
who investigated Hughes' claim for pension, reported under date of January 2nd,
1835, "I understand from Hughes' Agent, James M. Camp, that his (Hughes)
mind is entirely gone, and from other sources that he is a maniac and has been
confined for years. Christopher Nutter,
William Powers and others tell me that he did good service, but was in no
regular service, so therefore is not entitled to pension." Hughes was
refused a pension on the grounds that his service was rendered in the Indian
Wars, and not in the War of the Revolution.
The munificence of an appreciative and
"grateful country" is pitifully portrayed in its sentiment toward
this time-wrecked veteran of twenty years of incessant warfare. As a scout Lieutenant
Thomas Hughes was surpassed only by his two renowned brothers. The life of the wilderness spy was arduous,
and fraught with constant danger. His
wages were meagre and those who
were thus employed throughout the long border wars, seldom laid up a sustenance
for old age.
Lieutenant Hughes died in October, 1837,
in Jackson County, West Virginia, where he moved, perhaps, soon after the
treaty of Greenville in 1795. Mrs.
Hughes died three months previous to the death of her husband. They left only one child, Thomas, whom it
appears was still living in 1854, aged seventy-one years.
There is no family tradition that
connects Charles Hughes who was engaged in the repulse of the Indians at West's
Fort on Hacker's Creek in 1778, with the family of Jesse Hughes, though they
were together in that engagement. It is
quite probable that two Hughes families, closely related, were represented in
the pioneers who settled on Hacker's Creek, and the name seems to have
disappeared from the settlement in that beautiful valley at an early date.
In 1781, a certificate was granted
"William McCleery, assignee to James Hughes, for 400 acres on Spring Creek
[tributary to the Little Kanawha] to include his settlement made in 1774."
I know nothing of the antecedents of this James Hughes.
In an early day one Edward Hughes, then a
boy, came with some men from the Greenbrier settlements to the mouth of Morris
Creek, since known as Hughes Creek, on the Great Kanawha. I know nothing of this lad's parentage. He seems to have been the only one of the
name who came from Greenbrier with the party, who apparently were hunters. They built a small fort on a cliff by the
creek, where they could reach the water by letting down a gourd with a
grapevine. The boy experienced many
hardships. At one time he was left
alone for several days at the fort, and subsisted on parched corn, and a few
fish that he caught in the creek. He
was captured by the Indians while fishing on Peters Creek, a tributary of the
Gauley River, now in Nicholas County, and was carried to the Indian towns on
the Muskingum. He remained with his captors for more than two years, during
which time he learned their language.
He ascertained that the Great Kanawha joined the Ohio somewhere below
where they then were, and determined to escape. He secreted a quantity of dried venison, and waited for a full
moon. He then fled to the Ohio River,
where he constructed a raft of dry timber, and floated down to the mouth of the
Great Kanawha. During the voyage he
never approached the shore, but when tired nature demanded a rest, he anchored
his raft in mid-stream with a stone attached to a grape-vine.
He abandoned his raft, and following up
the Kanawha, and after much suffering reached the little fort on the
cliff. When he left the Indians he took
with him a coat neatly made from a bear
skin. The fore-legs formed the arms,
and the neck and head formed the collar and head-covering. It was soft, pliable, and comfortable in the
most stormy weather. Edward Hughes
married and settled near where Summersville, in Nicholas County, now is. He never used intoxicants, and was devotedly
Christian. He was buried on the
mountain side, overlooking the site of the little fort in which he had spent so
many of his solitary days.
In 1770, a Thomas Hughes, born in 1753,
and who married Elizabeth Swan, settled on the west side of the Monongahela,
near -the mouth of Muddy Creek, now Carmichaels, Green County, Pa.; but he was
of another family, though perhaps a blood relation of Jesse's father. Thomas Hughes, of Carmichaels, had a brother
John, who was a Captain of the Pennsylvania Rangers during the Revolution. He was killed by the Indians near
Louisville, Kentucky, in 1780. This
family also hailed from Virginia.
A Thomas Hughes resided in now Kanawha
County, West Virginia, in 1791.
A Thomas Hughes was Paymaster of the 7th
Virginia Regiment from January 1, 1777, to May 1, 1778. He received a military land bounty in 1783.
It may be of interest to note that the
Jesse Hughes of Fluvanna County, Virginia, previously referred to, in the
spring of 1776, at the age of twenty, enlisted as a private in Roger Thompson's
company of minute men, which was attached to Meredith's Regiment in eastern
Virginia , and then to Morgan's riflemen in western Virginia. In the fall of 1776, Hughes enlisted
in William Pierce's Company of Harrison's artillery. He fought at Monmouth and Newport, was stationed at Providence,
and was discharged in 1779. He
volunteered as a lieutenant in Joseph Hayden's Company in 1780 and was at the
battle of Camden. In 1781 he was drafted as a lieutenant of militia, but was
seized with smallpox and did not join the army until the day after Cornwallis'
surrender. He was, no doubt, closely
related to the ancestors of Jesse Hughes of pioneer fame, for the locality from
which he enlisted is very near the ancestral home of the Hughes family.
The Muster Rolls in the War Department at
Washington show that one Jesse Hughes served as a matross in Captain William
Pierce's company, first Artillery Regiment, Continental Troops, commanded
by Colonel Charles Harrison. He was
enlisted December 31, 1776, for three years, and was discharged December 20,
1779. Neither his residence nor the
place of his enlistment is of record. This matross was the Jesse Hughes of
Fluvanna County. In 1837, he was allowed a Bounty Land Warrant for three years'
service as private in Continental line. The First Continental Artillery
Regiment was assigned to the State of Virginia by Act of Congress approved
October 3, 1780.
In 1778, a Jesse Hughes, a matross in
Col. Charles Harrison's Virginia and
Maryland Regiment of Artillery, Company No. I, was returned as "sick in
Virginia," along with Sergeant John
Hughes of the same company. There were
several other Hughes among the Virginia troops, but they have no place in this
story.
John Hughes, of Lancaster, Pa., under
date of July 11, 1763, wrote to Colonel Bouquet an elaborate and detestable
plan for hunting down the Indians with savage dogs, in the true Spanish
way. While this man was perhaps no
relation to our hero, the two would probably have been in complete accord on
the manner of procedure in dealing with the Indian question.
In 1770 or 1771, Jesse Hughes was married
to Miss Grace Tanner, and settled on Hacker's Creek, about one mile above where
West's Fort was afterwards built, and at the mouth of a stream which has since
been known as Jesse's Run. Here he
built his cabin on the site of an old Shawnee village. This was embraced in a homestead
certificate, issued in 1781 to "Jesse Hughes for 400 acres on Hacker's
Creek, adjoining lands of Edmund West to include his settlement made in
1770."
In this lonely cabin, standing, as it
did, on the western outskirts of the most western and remote settlement on the
Virginia frontier, this young couple experienced many thrilling adventures
incident to border life in the virgin wilderness. The wife possessed the sterling qualities of rugged and noble
womanhood. Endowed with that
fearlessness and energy of character
which a life of constant peril on the border engendered, she was admirably
fitted for the companionship of her half-wild, yet renowned husband, whose
savage temper was not conducive
to domestic happiness. It was in this
cabin that they had a thrilling experience with a rattlesnake.
One night Jesse was awakened from a sound
sleep by feeling a living creature trying to work its way upward between his
throat and the close-fitting collar of his homespun shirt. The contact of a cold, whip-like body with
his own, caused him to suspect instantly the nature of his bed-fellow, and
fully aroused him to a sense of his danger.
With that rare self-control and presence of mind that served him so well
in more than one instance of deadly peril, he softly spoke to his wife, waking,
and telling her of the threatened danger, and directing her to get out of bed
with their child, and remove the bed-clothing.
This she did so gently that the restless intruder, who was still
endeavoring to force its broad flat head under the obdurate shirt-collar, was
not disturbed. The covering removed,
with a single lightning-like movement, Jesse bounded to the floor several feet
away. A huge yellow rattlesnake fell at
his feet. With an angry whir-r-r-r it
threw itself into the attitude of battle, but was soon dispatched. The next morning Jesse went prospecting for
snakes, and found in the end of a hollow log which was built into his cabin,
five copperheads and one rattlesnake.
From his advent into the Buckhannon
settlement in 1769 to the year 1778, we find no mention of the name of Jesse
Hughes in border annals.
But it is not to be supposed that so
restless and daring a man would remain inactive while such scenes of bloodshed
were being enacted about him. His
insatiate passion for Indian blood precludes
this idea, and investigation proves the fallacy and adds strength to the statement
of Mr. Bond, that the chronicle of Withers is but a partial and fragmentary
history.
While living on Hacker's Creek, and
within rifle-shot of his own door, Jesse consummated a deed, which, for
needless and unprovoked treachery, was scarcely surpassed by the Indians in all
their ravages of the Virginia border.
He arranged a meeting with a friendly Indian for the ostensible purpose
of spending a day in hunting. To reach
the place of rendezvous the Indian had to cross Hacker's on a
"foot-log," a tree felled across the stream to form a means of
crossing. The time of meeting was
appointed for an hour when the sun should reach a certain point above the
treetops. Long before that time Jesse
stealthily repaired to the spot and concealed himself in a position which
commanded an unobstructed view of the foot-log, and there awaited the coming of
his unsuspecting victim. At the appointed hour the Indian issued from the deep
tangle of the valley forest. An eye
gleamed along the barrel of the deadly rifle, the Indian reached the middle of
the log, a report of the rifle reverberated through the valley, and the
lifeless body of the Indian fell forward into the stream.
Hughes claimed that the Indian approached
in a suspicious manner, wary and watchful, and that he felt justified in
killing him. It is not at all probable
that an Indian brought up amid the dangers of the wilderness, would traverse a
forest path other than by with every faculty alert to hidden danger. His very training would preclude this and
his caution was no evidence that he intended treachery. Had he meditated evil, he would more likely
have followed the course pursued by Hughes.
Not only did Hughes engage in Indian
killings not chronicled by Withers, but he was a leader in the terrible
massacre of the Bulltown Indians, an account of which must form a separate
chapter of this narrative.
Many prominent writers insist that
Dunmore's War was inevitable; the actual beginning of the Revolution, and that
hostilities were precipitated by the murdering propensities of the Indians
alone. Not a few, however, charge that
these conditions were created at the instance of Governor Dunmore and his
lieutenant, John Connolly, who, for self-aggrandizement or as emissaries
of the British Government, foreseeing the coming struggle, sought to engross
the attention and resources of Virginia in a disastrous Indian War. Pages have been written in support
of these accusations, and it would redound to the honor of the Virginias could
they be verified. But it should be
remembered that the conflict of 1774 was purely Virginia and Indian,
waged on the Western Virginia border, and it is there that we are to look for
the immediate, if not the primal, cause of the trouble. It is noteworthy that the long list of
murders committed on peaceable tribesmen in the white settlements east of the
mountains, prior to the outbreak, did not provoke the war. Roosevelt summarily
settles the cause and status quo of the Dunmore War in a single paragraph.
"Nor must we permit our sympathy for
the foul wrongs of the two great Indian heroes of the contest to blind us to
the fact that the struggle was precipitated in the first place, by the outrages
of the red men, not the whites; and that the war was not only inevitable, but
was also in its essence just and righteous on the part of the borderers. Even the unpardonable and hideous atrocity
of the murder of Logan's family, was surpassed in horror by many of the massacres
committed by the Indians about the same time.
The annals of the border are dark and terrible."
This sweeping attempt at vindication of
the borderers, reeking with acrimony for the Indians, might be convincing, did
it contain a single instance of a "massacre committed by the Indians
about the same time," that even approached in horror the murder of Logan's
family. Our Indian conquests have all
been "just and righteous" in the eyes of the average white man. Prof. Maxwell
in discussing this topic, says:
"* * * The first act of hostility
was committed in 1773, not in West Virginia, but further south. A party of emigrants, under the leadership
of a son of Daniel Boone, were on their way to Kentucky when they were set upon
and several were killed, including young Boone. There can be no doubt that this attack was made to prevent or
hinder the colonization of Kentucky.
Soon after this, a white man killed an Indian at a horse race. This is said to have been the first Indian
blood shed on the frontier of Virginia by a white man after Pontiac's War. In February 1774, the Indians killed six
white men and two negroes; and in the same month, on the Ohio they seized a
trading canoe, killed the men in charge and carried the goods to the Shawnee
towns. Then the white men began to kill
also. In March [1774] on the Ohio, a
fight occurred between settlers
and Indians, in which one was killed on each side, and five canoes were taken
from the Indians. John Connolly wrote
from Pittsburg on April 21, to the people of Wheeling to be on their guard, as
the Indians were preparing for war. On
April 26, two Indians were killed on the Ohio.
On April 30, nine Indians were killed on the same river near
Steubenville. On May 1, another Indian
was killed. About the same time an old Indian named Bald Eagle was killed on
the Monongahela River; and an Indian camp on the Little Kanawha, in the present
county of Braxton,
was broken up, and the natives were killed.
This was believed to have been done by settlers on the West Fork, in the
present county of Lewis. They were
induced to take that course by intelligence from the Kanawha River that a
family named Stroud, residing near the mouth of the Gauley River had been
murdered, and the tracks of the Indians led toward the Indian camp on the
Little Kanawha. When this camp was
visited by the party of white men from the West Fork, they discovered clothing
and other articles belonging to the Stroud family. Thereupon
the Indians were destroyed. A party of
white men with Governor Dunmore's permission destroyed an Indian village on the
Muskingum River."
Here is a sinister array of aggressive
crime on the part of the Indians, with justified retaliation by the whites.
Unfortunately for its object however, the events are not given in chronological order.
The killing of young James Boone and five of his companions, emigrants
under the leadership of the elder Boone, had been preceded in Kentucky by
desultory fighting between
adventurous white men and Indians. It
is significant that John Findlay who was the first to enter the wilds of
Kentucky, was never disturbed by the red man.
It was not until Boone,
in company with Findlay and four others, in 1769, repaired to that region, and
after spending several months in killing game, were they molested. Boone and Stuart were surprised and
captured. Many writers insist that
during their captivity, the camp of Boone and Stuart was broken up by Indians,
and their companions killed, scattered, or returned home. But it would appear from the investigations
of others, among them Dr. Thwaits, that the returning prisoners found the camp
and its occupants unmolested. In the
meantime they were joined by Squire Boone and Alexander Neely, whom Squire had
found on New (Great Kanawha) River.
The famous Long Hunters had already invaded
this primeval wilderness and were slaughtering its teeming game by the
thousands. This wasteful destruction of
their sustenance, a gift from
the Great Spirit, enraged the Indians, and in consequence the aggressors,
hunters and explorers met with armed resistance. The Long Hunters shot buffalo,
elk and deer for their skins, and Indians for their scalps.
Boone and his party were in reality Long
Hunters. During the summer of 1770
while encamped on the Red River, Alexander Neely killed and scalped two Indians
whom he found at a Shawnee village on a tributary creek.
Stuart (also spelled Stewart) alone of
the party was killed by the Indians, but whether prior or subsequent to the
murder of the Shawnees by Neely, writers differ. Roosevelt declares that in the
death of Stewart, "the Indians had wantonly shed the first
blood." But the elucidation by Dr.
Thwaits is conclusive that Stuart was killed after four of Boone's party had
left for the settlement and that "Neely, discouraged by his [Stuart's]
fate, returned home." This is
positive evidence that Boone's party in reality "wantonly shed the first
blood." It is obvious that Neely
killed the two Shawnees before he "became discouraged and returned
home."
The Indian killed at a horse race was a
Cherokee, at Watauga, a settlement supposedly in Virginia, but located within
the Cherokee lands, North Carolina.
Watauga, like the early Trans-Allegheny
settlements, was outlawed, so far as State or Colonial Government was
concerned. The murder was committed at
a friendly gathering of both Indians and whites, in celebrating the signing of
a treaty between the Cherokees and the settlers of Watauga in 1772. This crime has been excused on the grounds
that the men implicated had lost a brother in the attack on Boone's emigrants
in 1773. This is error, the friendly Cherokee was killed a year previous to the
Boone tragedy. In the face of these
facts, who were the aggressors in Kentucky?
No serious trouble with the Cherokees
resulted from the Watauga outrage; nor was that nation involved in Dunmore's
War. It is averred, however, that the attack on Butler's trading canoe,
near Wheeling, in February, 1774, containing three white men, in which one of
the party was killed and another one wounded, was by a few outlaw
Cherokees. If so, the act may have been
provoked by the Watauga tragedy.
The other occurrences cited by Mr.
Maxwell are well known to the reader of border history. Withers, states that the Bull Town Massacre occurred in the summer of
1772. The same authority fixes the
death of Bald Eagle not only prior to this crime, but also to the Indian murder
for which Capt. White was imprisoned at Winchester, and subsequently liberated
by the infuriated populace. This last
crime, Kercheval states, occurred in 1768. This places the murder of Bald
Eagle, according to Withers, previous to the settling of the Upper Monongahela
in 1769, which is error. The death of
Bald Eagle evidently occurred between 1770 and the destruction of the Delaware
Village on the Little Kanawha, in 1772, which was two years previous to the
retaliatory and incipient outbreak of the few tribesmen on the Ohio. Then came
the ill-timed warning of the fiery Connolly and the "planting of a new war
post and a solemn declaration of war" by Creasap and his followers at Fort
Henry. Immediately Creasap's band
made two attacks on friendly Shawnees on the Ohio, killing three and wounding
two others. The massacre of Logan's
people swiftly followed, and the war was on.
West Virginia points with pride to the
tenth of October, 1774, when at Point Pleasant was fought the "First
Battle of the Revolution," wherein
"was the first blood shed in defense of American
Liberty," in a "just and righteous" war. This sounds well, but in reality the Dunmore
War was one of conquest; its prelude a lurid chapter of aggressive wrong on the
part of the whites
which can reflect no halo of State or National glory.
The brutal murder of Bald Eagle is
deserving of more than a passing notice.
His status, not only with his own race, but with the whites was high,
and in his death is reflected the true character of the lawless ruffians who
overran the Trans-Allegheny at this time.
Withers says of this crime:
"The Bald Eagle was an Indian of notoriety,
not only among his own nation, but also with the inhabitants of the North
Western frontier; with whom he was in the habit of associating and
hunting. In one of his visits among
them, he was discovered alone, by Jacob Scott, William Hacker and Elijah
Runner, who, reckless of the consequences, murdered him, solely to gratify a
most wanton thirst for Indian blood.
After the commission of this most outrageous enormity, they seated him
in the stern of a canoe, and with a piece of journey-cake thrust into his mouth,
set him afloat in the Monongahela. In
this situation he was seen descending the river, by several, who supposed him
to be as usual, returning from a friendly hunt with the whites in the upper
settlements, and who expressed some astonishment that he did not stop to see
them. The canoe floating near to the shore,
below the mouth of George's Creek, was observed by a Mrs. Province, who had it
brought to the bank, and the friendly, but unfortunate old Indian decently buried."
Veech says that Bald Eagle was killed,
perhaps, at the mouth of Cheat River; was found at Provance Bottom by Mrs.
William Yard Provance, who had him buried on the Fayette (Pa.) shore.
The murder of Bald Eagle had a parallel
of which the particulars were never chronicled.
One Ryan and Eli Morgan, brother of David
Morgan of border fame, killed an Indian named Cat Eye, and thrusting a corn cob
into his mouth, propped him up in his canoe and sent him adrift on the
Monongahela. This crime was evidently
one of the many committed by John Ryan, told by Withers:
"At different periods of time,
between the peace of 1765, and the renewal of hostilities in 1774, three
Indians were unprovokedly killed by John Ryan, on the Ohio, Monongahela and
Cheat Rivers. The first who suffered
from the unrestrained licentiousness of this man, was an Indian of distinction
in his tribe, and known by the name of Capt. Peter; the other two were private
warriors. And but that Governor Dunmore, from the representations made to him,
was induced to offer a reward for his apprehension, which caused him to leave
the country, Ryan would probably have continued to murder every Indian, with
whom he should chance to meet, wandering through the settlements."
To this long list of recorded murders
suffered by the friendly tribesmen at the hands of the borderers in the two
years preceding Dunmore's War, must be added the massacre of the thirteen at
Indian Camp. The summary is startling. If we allow but four to each of the five
families destroyed at Bull Town, which is a very low estimate, then the grand
total of peaceable Indians, including many women and children, who fell victims
to white fury on the extreme western border of Virginia, from Bull Town to
Wheeling in the time mentioned, is fifty-eight. This does not include those killed on the Wappatomaka by Judah, Harpold
and others, nor the many slain throughout the settlements east of the
mountains. This number I have carefully
computed from the meagre accounts at hand; but it is hardly possible that the
Indian Camp Massacre was a solitary instance of unchronicled slaughtering by
the whites. It is significant that in
every instance noted by the historian of the day, the killing was so open and
flagrant that concealment was impossible.
There could be but one sequel to this
wanton, drunken saturnalia of crime. The ties of blood and clan are very strong
in Indian systems of kinship and government, and the law of retaliation arises
from these ties. In addition to murder,
the white settlers were constantly making inroads upon the lands of the tribes
in utter disregard of treaty stipulations.
In view of these facts, it is a matter of wonder that hostilities were
not commenced long before the outbreak actually occurred. Surely were the Indians "slow to
anger."
But they were at last aroused; though not
until their people had been wantonly murdered in plain view and under their own
eyes in more than one instance by Greathouse and others. Logan, "the friend of the white
man," lost his entire family. Then
the warriors took up the hatchet, and the Trans-Allegheny was compelled to
drain the bitter cup of its own filling.
For more than
twenty years from the massacre of Logan's people, April 30, 1774, the border
from Fort Pitt to the Falls of the Ohio suffered from Indian forays, the most
sanguinary of which fell upon the Virginia frontier. There were brief respites during this period, but no year went by
without the striking of a blow -in most cases by the fierce Shawnee. This warlike tribe was rendered still more
implacable by the betrayal and brutal murder of their mighty leader Cornstalk
(Keigh-taugh-qua) and three of his chiefs, his son Ellinipsico; Red Hawk and
another whose name is unknown, at Point Pleasant in the "bloody
year," 1777; and for which his avenging warriors swept with fire the
wilderness settlements. In this long
interval of strife, as usual in warfare, the innocent suffered far more than
the guilty.
During this period, Jesse Hughes was the recognized chief of the
Virginia scouts. He lived in the center
of the field of the border strife; yet it was in the year 1778 that his name
appears in the annals of this war for the first time. This, I believe, is the fault of the chroniclers rather than of
inactivity on the part of Hughes. There
is little or no doubt that he was constantly engaged in war-like enterprises
during the whole of this period of the silence of the annals. A well-founded tradition says that he was in
the Battle of Point Pleasant, which is more than probable. A man of his propensities would not ordinarily
remain inactive at home while such an undertaking as the invasion of the Indian
country was being executed. It is doubtful
if any of the several expeditions against the Ohio Indians during the period
mentioned was unaccompanied by Jesse Hughes.
An Indian alarm in June, 1778, sent the
settlers on Hacker's Creek and the adjoining country into West's Fort. About the middle of that month, three women
who were gathering greens in an adjacent field, were attacked by four Indians
and a Mrs. Freeman was killed and scalped.
The Indians fired but one shot, but this and the screams of the women
brought the men from the Fort. Several ineffectual bullets were sent after the
warrior who was scalping Mrs. Freeman.
The Indians were driven off, and the firing gave warning to the men who
were out of the fort at the time. Among
the latter was Jesse Hughes, who for once, seemingly, was without his gun. The following account is from the work of
Withers:
"Jesse Hughes and John Schoolcraft
(who were out) in making their way to the fort, came very near two Indians
standing by the fence looking towards the men at West's, so intently, that they
did not perceive any one near them.
They, however, were observed by Hughes and Schoolcraft who, avoiding
them, made their way in, safely. Hughes
immediately took up his gun, and learning the fate of Mrs. Freeman, went with some others to bring in
the corpse. While there he proposed to
go and show them how near he had approached the Indians after the alarm had
been given, before he saw them. Charles
and Alexander West, Chas. Hughes, James
Brown and John Steeth, went with him.
Before they had arrived at the place, one of the Indians was heard to
howl like a wolf; and the men with Hughes moved on in the direction from which
the sound proceeded. Supposing that they
were then near the spot, Jesse Hughes howled in like manner, and being instantly
answered, they ran to a point of the hill, and looking over it, saw two Indians
coming towards them. Hughes fired and
one of them fell. The other took to
flight. Being pursued by the whites, he
sought shelter in a thicket Of brush; and while they were proceeding to
intercept him at his coming out, he returned by the way he had entered, and
made his escape. The wounded Indian
likewise got off. When the whites were
in pursuit of the one who took to flight, they passed near to him who had
fallen, and one of the men was for stopping and finishing him; but Hughes
called to him, 'He is safe,--let us have the other,' and they all pressed
forward. On their return however, he
was gone; and although his free bleeding enabled them to pursue his track
readily for a while, yet a heavy shower of rain soon falling, all trace of him
was quickly lost and could not be afterwards regained."
The chagrin which Hughes felt for his
failure to secure at least one of the two scalps that were almost within his
grasp may be conjectured. That his aim
was not deadly, and his allowing the fallen Indian to escape because of his
zeal to capture the fleeing Indian who baffled his pursuers by doubling on his
track like a fox, was most humiliating to the pride of this renowned woodsman
and his skilled companions. There
was a superstition rife among the early settlers to the effect that if, in
loading his rifle, the hunter accidentally let fall the bullet, and had to pick
it up from the ground to put in his rifle, it would certainly miss the object
shot at, no matter how careful and true his aim. This was a common belief in the woods of Virginia and Kentucky as
recently as thirty years ago. Perhaps Jesse dropped his bullet.
Owing to its isolation and weakness, the Hacker's
Creek settlement was a favorite point of attack by the Indians during this period.
Withers says:
"The settlement on Hacker's Creek
was entirely broken up in the spring of 1779-some of its inhabitants forsaking
the country and retiring east of the mountains; while the others went to the
fort on Buckhannon, and to Nutter's Fort, near Clarksburg, to aid in resisting
the foe and in maintaining possession of the country."
Again,
speaking of the year 1780, he says:
"West's Fort on Hacker's Creek was
also visited by the savages early in this year. The frequent incursions of the Indians into this settlement in
the year 1778, had caused the inhabitants to desert their homes the next year,
and shelter themselves in places of greater security; but being unwilling to
give up the improvements which they had already made and commence anew in the
woods, some few families returned to it during the winter, and on the approach
of spring, moved into the fort. They
had not been long here, before the savages made their appearance, and continued
to invest the fort for some time. Too
weak to sally out and give them battle, and not knowing when to expect relief,
the inhabitants were almost reduced to despair, when Jesse Hughes resolved at
his own hazard, to try to obtain assistance to drive off the enemy. Leaving the fort at night, he broke by their
sentinels and ran with speed to the Buckhannon Fort. Here he prevailed on a part of the men to accompany him to
West's, and relieve those who had been so long confined there. They arrived before day, and it was thought advisable
to abandon the place once more, and remove to Buckhannon. On their way the Indians used every artifice
to separate the party, so as to gain an advantageous opportunity of attacking them;
but in vain. They exercised so much caution,
and kept so well together, that every stratagem was frustrated, and they all
reached the fort in safety."
From the foregoing it would appear that
West's Fort was abandoned not only in the fall of 1779, but also in the spring
of 1780. It was during one of these
abandonments, perhaps the last, that the fort was burned by the Indians, and
the settlers then built a new fort, but not on the site of the old. It was located some five hundred yards or
more from West's Fort, and about seventy-five yards east of where the Henry
McWhorter house now stands. It was erected on a high bottom, or
"flat," which at that time was rather marshy, and covered with beech
trees. The building was constructed entirely of beech logs, and was locally known
as "Beech Fort,"
The daring feat of Jesse Hughes upon this
occasion, so briefly alluded to by Withers, and doubtless referred to by DeHass,
already quoted, was as follows:
A large force of Indians had invested the
fort and gathered up all the live stock in the settlement. The despairing inmates could see the camp
fires of the Indians, who, relying upon their superior numbers and the weakness
of the garrison, failed to exercise that degree of vigilance and caution for
which they are noted. However, they
posted sentinels about the fort and the fords of the creek and other passes,
while the main body of warriors regaled themselves around the camp fires. Hughes experienced great difficulty and much
personal danger in breaking through the
Indian investment. While gliding along
a narrow path, he heard foot steps approaching. He stepped aside, when nine warriors passed in Indian file;
"so close" said Hughes, "that I could have punched them with my
ramrod."
When leaving the fort he told the inmates
that if he succeeded in eluding the foe he would, upon gaining the hillside beyond
the Indian encampment, "hoot like an owl." The hoot of the owl was a
night signal in vogue with both Indian and scout. In crossing the creek Jesse was compelled to wade through a deep eddy
about half-way between the fort and the mouth of Jesse's Run, near where he
would strike the trail.
As time dragged, the forlorn and
despairing band in the little fortress listened most eagerly for the signal of
hope from the hillside. How they must
have rejoiced when at last through the darkness from afar there came across the
night-shrouded valley the melancholy cry of the bird of shadow and gloom. To them it meant succor and speedy rescue;
but to the wily Indian it was ominous of approaching danger, and during the
night they broke camp and disappeared.
When Hughes returned with the rescuing party not a warrior could be
seen.
The difficulty of this achievement can be
better understood when it is known that the distance between the two forts was
not less than sixteen miles, all a dense forest; and as the Indians were in the
settlement in force, he must have avoided to some extent the beaten trail, thus
making the passage far more laborious and hazardous.
The frightful dangers that beset the path
of Jesse Hughes on this heroic night-run were not confined to the hostile
Indians alone. The stealthy panther,
noted for its fierce nature and proneness to unprovoked attack on human beings,
lurked among the dense thickets on every hand.
Packs of gaunt gray wolves – huge timber wolves - the scourge of the
wilderness, prowled the forest. The
Buckhannon or Hacker's Creek mountain at the point traversed by Hughes was
infested with these savage brutes long after this incident.
Once during the Indian incursions into
this region the settlers on Fink's Run, a tributary of the Buckhannon, took refuge
in West's Fort. Why the settlers should,
in this instance, have gone to West's Fort instead of the Buckhannon, which was
only three or four miles distant, cannot be surmised, unless it was after the
latter fort had been abandoned in 1782, when Captain William White was
killed. So precipitate had been their
flight that they left some young calves penned from their dams. This was not discovered until they had
reached the fort, which
was at least twelve miles from their homes, and was liable to lead to calamity,
for should the stock escape the wasting hands of the Indians, the calves would
starve and the cows be hopelessly ruined from inflamed udders. In this dilemma, Jesse Hughes came to the
rescue. He volunteered to go and
liberate the calves. This was courting
death, but he successfully accomplished
it.
On his return to the fort he crossed the
mountain previously referred to, to the waters of the right fork of Buckhannon
Run, now on the farm of the late G. W. Swisher. Here seeing a deer, the instinct of the sportsman overcame the
caution of the scout, and he shot and killed it. Proceeding to flay it, he had just completed that work, when the
report of a rifle rang through the forest, and the bullet passed through the
crown of his coon-skin cap, scarcely missing his head.
Snatching up his rifle and the reeking
deerskin, he sped down the valley, towards the fort. Reaching Hacker's Creek proper, the trail left the lowlands and
striking the hill to the right,
passed around the head of a small stream known as Redlick Run, and along the
meandering ridge between Hacker's Creek and Jesse's Run. Hughes did not slacken his pace until he
reached the low
gap in the ridge where Mr. Eben Post now lives. Here the woods were open, and he paused and glanced back over the
trail.
A quarter
of a mile away three Indians were racing down the slope in hot pursuit. A very large warrior was in the lead. It was at this point in the race that Hughes
first noticed that he was carrying the deerskin, showing that under certain
circumstances the bravest may suffer from excitement and panic. The first impulse of Hughes was to secrete
himself and shoot the big Indian when he came within range, for he felt he had
nothing to fear from the remaining two.
Being much more fleet of foot he could have reloaded and shot them at
his leisure; for Jesse Hughes like his great contemporary, Lewis Wetzel, could
load his rifle while running at full speed.
This, however, was not an unusual feat among the Virginia
bordermen. But fearing that the report
of his rifle might draw others to the chase, and that he would be intercepted
before he could reach the fort, he let discretion be the better part of valor,
and again fled before his rapidly advancing pursuers. Out the long ridge like a hounded stag the scout stretched
himself to the trail, followed by the grim avengers of a hundred wrongs.
"Fate judges of the rapid strife;
The forfeit, death--the prize is
life."
There were yet several miles to be
covered before the fugitive could hope to reach a refuge, and if other Indians should
be lurking along the path his chances of escape were precarious
in the extreme. Never before, perhaps, had the wonderful physical endurance of the veteran scout been put to such
a test; and like the wild Seri, impervious to fatigue, onward
he sped; and onward came his relentless pursuers. The hound-like tirelessness of the borderman enabled him to
maintain the distance that was early established between him and the Indians. He gained the fort in safety, carrying the
deerskin that had so nearly cost him his life.
The distance covered in this race for
life was no less than nine miles, and it was over ground so rough that it must
have taxed the endurance of the participants to the utmost. The course
followed was an old Indian trail, which was also used as a bridle path by the
pioneers. Few such races were run, even
on the frontiers, and perhaps no other was so long and persistent; and winning
it would alone entitle Jesse Hughes to a high rank in that host of pioneers who
achieved fame on the border.
In 1781, we find that Jesse Hughes and
his brother Elias were members of Colonel Lowther's Company, which went in
pursuit of the Indians who had captured Mrs. Alexander Roney and her son, and Daniel
Dougherty, all of Leading Creek, Tygart's Valley. The history of this foray and the incidents immediately preceding
the connection of Jesse Hughes therewith, I quote from Withers:
"In the same month (April), as some
men were returning to Cheat River from Clarksburg (where they had been to
obtain certificates of settlement rights to their lands, from the commissioners
appointed to adjust land claim, in the counties of Ohio, Youghioghany and
Monongalia) they, after having crossed the Valley River, were encountered by a
large party of Indians, and John Manear, Daniel Cameron and a Mr. Cooper were
killed - the others effected their escape with difficulty.
"The savages then moved on towards
Cheat, but meeting with James Brown and Stephen Radcliff, and not being able to
kill or take them, they changed their course, and passing over Leading creek
(in Tygarts Valley), nearly destroyed the whole settlement. They there killed Alexander Roney, Mrs.
Dougherty, Mrs. Hornbeck, and her children, Mrs. Buffington and her children,
and many others; and made prisoners, Mrs. Roney and her son, and Daniel
Dougherty. Jonathan Buffington and
Benjamin Hornbeck succeeded in making their escape and carried the doleful
tidings to Friend's and Wilson's forts, Col.
Wilson immediately raised a company of men and proceeding to Leading
Creek, found the settlement without inhabitants and the houses nearly all
burned. He then pursued after the
savages, but not coming up with them as soon as was expected, the men became
fearful of the consequences which might result to their own families, by reason
of this abstraction of their defense, provided other Indians were to attack
them, and insisted on their returning.
On the second day of the pursuit it was agreed that
a
majority of the company should decide whether they were to proceed farther or not. Joseph Friend, Richard Kettle, Alexander
West and Col. Wilson were the only persons in favor of going on, and they
consequently had to return.
"But though the pursuit was thus
abandoned, yet did not the savages get off with their wonted impunity, When the
land claimants, who had been the first to encounter this party of Indians,
escaped from them, they fled back to Clarksburg, and gave the alarm. This was quickly communicated to the other
settlements, and spies were sent out to watch for the enemy. By some of these, the savages were discovered
on the West Fork, near the mouth of Isaac's creek, and intelligence of it was
immediately carried to the forts. Col.
Lowther collected a company of men,
and going in pursuit, came in view of their encampment, awhile before night, on
a branch of Hughes' River, ever since known as Indian Creek. Jesse and Elias Hughes-active, intrepid and
vigilant men-were left to watch the movements of the savages, while the
remainder retired a small distance to refresh themselves, and prepare to attack
them in the morning.
"Before day Col. Lowther arranged
his men in order of attack, and when it became light, on the preconcerted
signal being given, a general fire was poured in upon them. Five of the savages fell dead and the others
fled leaving at their fires, all their shot bags and plunder, and all their
guns, except one. Upon going to their
camp, it was found that one of the prisoners (a son of Alexander Roney who had
been killed in the Leadin creek massacre) was among the slain. Every care had been taken to guard against
such an occurrence, and he was the only
one of the captives who sustained any injury from the fire of the whites.
"In consequence of information
received from the prisoners who were retaken (that a larger party of Indians
was expected hourly to come up), Col. Lowther deemed it prudent not to go in
pursuit of those who had fled, and collecting the plunder which the savages had
left, catching the horses which they had stolen, and having buried young Roney,
the party set out on its return march home-highly gratified at the success
which had crowned their exertions to punish their untiring foe."
To the
foregoing, Withers adds the following note:
"As soon as the fire was opened upon
the Indians, Mrs. Roney (one of the prisoners) ran towards the whites rejoicing
at the prospect of deliverance, and exclaiming, 'I am Ellick Roney's wife, of
the Valley, I am Ellick Roney's wife, of the Valley, and a pretty little woman
too, if I was well dressed.' The poor woman ignorant of the fact that her son
was weltering in his own gore, and forgetting for an instant that her husband
had been so recently killed, seemed intent only on her own deliverance from the
savage captors.
"Another of the captives, Daniel
Dougherty , being tied down, and unable to move, was discovered by the whites
as they rushed towards the camp.
Fearing that he might be one of the enemy and do them some injury if
they advanced, one of the men, stopping, demanded who he was. Benumbed with cold, and discomposed by the sudden
firing of the whites, he could not render his Irish dialect intelligible to
them. The white man raised his gun and
directed it towards him, calling aloud, that if he did not make known who he
was, he should blow a ball through him,
let him be white man or Indian. Fear
supplying him with energy, Dougherty exclaimed, 'Loord jasus! and am I to be
killed by white people at last!' He was
heard by Col. Lowther and his life saved."
Captain William White and John Cutright
were with Colonel Lowther on this occasion.
Christopher Cutright, son of John, gave me the following particulars of
the affair, as received from his father.
The whites discovered the Indians in camp
in the evening, and they hid in a ravine until the next morning. When it was about daylight, Mrs. Roney arose
and replenished the fire, and at that moment the whites opened fire on the
Indians, killing and mortally wounding seven of their number. Young Roney was killed, and Dougherty, in
his frantic attempts to convey to the attacking
party his identity, exclaimed, "Can't ye sae that I'm a while mon?"
When the whites rushed upon the camp, one of the Indians struggling in the
agonies of death was recognized as Captain
Bull, the founder of Bull Town on the Little Kanawha. Jesse Hughes seized the
dying chieftain and dragged him through the camp fire so recently replenished
by Mrs. Roney, "While he was yet kicking." Not satisfied with this,
he then flayed from the thigh of the dead chieftain pieces of skin, with which
he repaired his own moccasins which had become badly worn during the pursuit. "Upon the return of the company to the
settlements", said Mr. Cutright, "Hughes, as a joke, threw his
moccasins with their ghastly patches into my mother's lap."
The body of young Roney was sunk in the
river, or creek, near the scene of his death, which occurred close where the Indian
Creek schoolhouse now stands.
Colonel Lowther was accompanied on this
expedition by one of his sons, a lad about sixteen years old, who assisted in the
attack on the Indian camp and its subsequent massacre. Boys of those
days had early schooling in the savage warfare of the border.
On the evening before the Leading Creek
settlement was destroyed, Alexander West was at Friend's Fort. Late in the evening, West and Joseph Friend
were sitting on the porch and saw what
West declared to be an Indian skulking near the fort. West started to get his gun, but Friend detained him and declared
the figure to be one of his "yaller boys." "Yaller boy the mischief!"
exclaimed West, "It's an Injun." West and Friend had each a very fierce
dog, and not altogether satisfied as to the identity of the stranger, they
attempted to set them on the slave boy or Indian. But the dogs flew at each other, and during the confusion that
ensued, and while the men were engaged in separating the dogs, the unknown
person whose mysterious movements
had caused the uproar vanished into the nearby forest, and night coming on, the
pursuit was abandoned.
West ever alert and cautious, wished to
alarm the settlers that night, but Friend insisted there was no danger and that
they wait until morning. West
reluctantly acquiesced. That night or early
the next morning occurred the Leading Creek massacre. Six families were destroyed. When the news of the disaster reached West he became furious, and
condemned himself for not acting upon his own judgment. If he had, it is probable that the tragedy would
have been averted.
From the date of the Leading Creek
massacre and the killing of Captain Bull on Indian Creek, to 1787, a period of
six years, no mention is made of Hughes by the historians of his time.
In 1787, we find the Indians again in the
Hacker's Creek settlement. The eldest
daughter of Jesse Hughes was taken captive, and several of the settlers were
killed. This tragedy was
only the sequel of that which directly preceded it, and so closely are the
incidents connected that I give them both as set out by Withers.
"In September of this year, a party
of Indians were discovered in the act of catching some horses on the West Fork
above Clarksburg; and a company of men led on by Col. Lowther, went immediately
in pursuit of them. On the third night the
Indians and whites, unknown to each other, encamped not far apart; and in the morning
the fires of the latter being discovered by Elias Hughes, the detachment which
was accompanying him fired upon the camp, and one of the savages fell. The remainder taking to flight, one of them
passed near to where Col. Lowther and the
other men were, and the Colonel firing at him as he ran, the ball entering at his
shoulder, perforated him and he fell.
The horses and plunder which had been taken by the savages, were then
collected by the whites, and they commenced their return home, in the
confidence of false security. They had
not proceeded far, when two guns were unexpectedly fired at them, and John
Bonnett fell, pierced through the body. He died before he reached home.
"The Indians never thought the
whites justifiable in flying to arms to punish them for acts merely of rapine.
They felt authorized to levy contributions of this sort, whenever an occasion
served, viewing property thus acquired as (to use their own expression) the
'only rent which they received for their lands;' and if when detected in
secretly exacting them, their blood paid the penalty), they were sure to
retaliate with tenfold fury, on the first favorable opportunity.
The murder of these two Indians by Hughes and Lowther was soon followed by acts
of retribution which are believed to have been, at least immediately, produced
by them.
"On the 5th of December, a party of
Indians and one white man (Leonard Schoolcraft) came into the settlement on
Hacker's Creek, and meeting with a daughter of Jesse Hughes, took her prisoner.
Passing on, they came upon E. West, Senr., carrying some fodder to the stable,
and taking him likewise captive, carried him to where Hughes' daughter had been
left in charge of some of their party. - Here the old gentleman fell upon his
knees and expressed a fervent wish that
they would not deal harshly by him. His petition was answered by a stroke of the
tomahawk and he fell dead.
"They then went to the house of
Edmund West, Jun., where were Mrs. West and her sister (a girl of eleven years
old, daughter of John Hacker) and a lad of twelve, a brother of West. Forcing
open the door, Schoolcraft and two of the savages entered, and one of them
immediately tomahawked Mrs. West. The boy was taking some corn from under the
bed, he was drawn out by the feet and the tomahawk sank twice in his forehead,
directly above each eye. The girl was standing
behind the door. One of the savages
approached and aimed at her a blow. She tried to evade it, but it struck on the
side of her neck, though not sufficient force to knock her down. She fell however, and lay as if killed. Thinking
their work of death accomplished here, they took from the press some milk,
butter and bread, placed it on the table, and deliberately sat down to eat, -
the little girl observing all that passed, in silent stillness. When they had satisfied
their hunger, they arose, scalped the woman and boy, plundered the house, -
even emptying the feathers to carry off the ticking, - and departed, dragging
the little girl by the hair, forty or fifty yards from the house. They then threw her over the fence, and
scalped her; but as she evinced symptoms of life, Schoolcraft observed 'that is
not enough', when immediately one of the savages thrust a knife into her side,
and they left her. Fortunately the
point of the knife came in contact with a rib and did not injure her much.
"Old Mrs. West and her two daughters,
who were alone when the old gentleman was taken, became uneasy that he did not
return; and fearing that he had fallen into the hands of savages (as they could
not otherwise account for his absence), they left the house and went to
Alexander West's, who was then on a hunting expedition with his brother
Edmund. They told of the absence of old
Mr. West and their fears for his fate; and as there was no man here, they went
over to Jesse Hughes' who was himself uneasy that his daughter did not come
home. Upon hearing that West too was
missing, he did not doubt but that both had fallen into the hands of the
Indians; and knowing of the absence from home of Edmund West, Jun., he deemed
it advisable to apprise his wife of danger, and remove her to his house. For this purpose and accompanied by Mrs.
West's two daughters, he went on. On
entering the door, the tale of destruction which had been done there was soon
told in part. Mrs. West and the lad lay
weltering in their blood but not yet dead.
The sight overpowered the girls, and Hughes had to carry them off. Seeing
that the savages had but just left them, and aware of the danger which would
attend any attempt to move out and give the alarm that night, Hughes guarded
his own house until day, when he spread the sorrowful intelligence, and a company
were collected to ascertain the extent of the mischief and try to find those
who were known to be missing.
"Young West was found, - standing in
the creek about a mile from where he had been tomahawked. The brains were oozing from his head, yet he
survived in extreme suffering for three days.
Old Mr. West was found in the field where he had been tomahawked. Mrs. West was in the house; she probably
lived but a few minutes after Hughes and her sisters-in-law had left
there. The little girl (Hacker's
daughter) was in bed at the house of old Mr. West. She related the history of the transactions at Edmund West's,
Jun., and said that she went to sleep
when thrown over the fence and was awakened by the scalping. After she had been stabbed at the suggestion
of Schoolcraft and left, she tried to recross the fence to the house, but as
she was climbing up, again went to sleep and fell back. She then walked into the woods, sheltered
herself as well as she could in the top of a fallen tree, and remained there
until the cocks crew in the morning.
"Remembering that there was no
person left alive at the house of her sister awhile before day she proceeded to
old Mr. West's. She found no person at
home, the fire nearly out, but the hearth warm and she laid down on it. The heat produced a sickly feeling, which
caused her to get up and go to the bed, in which she was found. She recovered, grew up, was married, gave
birth to ten children, and died, as was believed, of an affection of the head,
occasioned by the wound she received that night. Hughes' daughter was ransomed by her father the next year, and is
yet living in sight of the theatre of those savage enormities."
Jesse Hughes and William Powers were also
on the expedition with Colonel Lowther when Bonnett was killed. They followed the Indians to the Little
Kanawha River, where the two Indians were slain. Bonnett, in utter disregard of West's remonstrance, had stepped
aside from the party to a spring and had knelt there to get a drink. As he
rose, he received the fatal shot. The
return march of the party was necessarily slow, encumbered with a dying man. It is not likely that Bonnett was buried any
great distance from where he was shot.
Mr. Levi Bond heard his grandfather,
William Powers, tell the incidents of this tragedy as follows: Three of the
Indians were killed. When they were
fired upon in camp, only one of those
who escaped had a gun. The whites felt
that on their retreat some one of their number would be shot by this Indian, and
that the victim would in all probability be the one in lead of the
party. Bonnett declared that he had
just as well die as any of them and stepped to the front. Powers was placed at some distance in the
rear, to guard against pursuit. When he
heard the gun report, he knew that some one of their party had been fired upon,
and possibly killed. He saw the fleeing
Indian, but at too great a distance for a shot, so he gave chase. Powers was a swift runner and gained on the
warrior, who resorting to strategy, dodged and hid from his enemy. After peace was declared, an Indian told of
his shooting the white man at the
head of
the party, and that he in turn was pursued by a "little white devil"
and barely escaped. Powers said, that
in this expedition, as in all others, Jesse Hughes led in the trailing.
The daughter of Hughes, who was captured
at the time of the West tragedy, was his eldest child, Martha. She was then fourteen years old. When captured she was returning home from the
house of John Hacker, where she had gone to get a pup. Hacker lived about four
miles up the creek from where Hughes lived. Withers says she was "ransomed
by her father the next year," but as a
substance of fact she did not return home until 1790 and was a prisoner two
years and nine months. Her father
secured her release at Sandusky Plains after the treaty of Fort Harmer, January
9, 1789, which made it possible to secure the release of Indian captives.
There is a tradition current among
Jesse's descendants in Jackson County, West Virginia, to the effect that
another daughter, Nancy, was captured by the Indians and held in captivity
three years. In this short time she
became thoroughly Indianized, and her father failed to recognize her when he
went to bring her home. Personal
decoration, paint, rings on every finger and in her lip, a complete Indian
dress, so changed her appearance that only the closest questioning in reference
to the time and place of her capture enabled Hughes to determine her identity. This is merely a distorted and fanciful
version of Martha's capture. Hughes
recognized her as soon as he caught sight of her in the Indian country.
The name of the Hacker girl, who figured
in this tragedy was Mary. Tradition
says that she was stabbed seven times by an Indian, who was afterwards killed;
his body ripped open, filled with sand and sunk in Hacker's Creek on the David
Smith farm. Mary Hacker married a Mr. Wolf and settled on Wolf's Run in Lewis County. She never fully recovered from the effects
of the scalping and her death was caused from a nasal hemorrhage.
Barring a few burnings at the stake,
there is hardly a more pathetic tragedy in the annals of the border wars than
the tomahawking at West's. The
despairing appeal of the old man, who with
advancing age, had lost much of the nerve and energy of hardy manhood, the
utter helplessness of Mrs. West, the pulling from beneath the bed of the little
boy and his brutal tomahawking,
the ineffectual attempt of the little girl at concealment and her instinctive
efforts to evade the murderous blow - all this makes a scene of pathetic
woe. The long night of agony for the
two little children cannot be fully imagined. Contemplation of the boy wandering aimlessly through the icy waters
of the creek, with skull bared from scalping, his brains oozing from the
ghastly wounds in his forehead, and chilled by the cold winds of December, is
most heartrending. The little girl
dragged by the hair, falling to "sleep" when thrown over the fence,
her awakening from the excruciating torture of the process of scalping, the
relentless thrust of the murderous knife, the feeble and unsuccessful attempt
to reach the house, the going to "sleep" the second time, the piteous
turning to the solitude of the woods for shelter, the arrival at the house and
curling down upon the warm hearth, the sensation of sickness and the climbing into
the lonely bed make up a story that fills the heart with sadness. It certainly must have been anything but
comforting to Colonel Lowther, Elias Hughes and their followers, if they realized
the situation, to reflect that to their over-zeal in protecting
a few miserable horses by shooting two fleeing Indians, was this awful tragedy
due. And the greatest pity of all,
retaliatory vengeance fell upon the innocent and helpless.
We come again to a period of several
years, in which we hear nothing of Jesse Hughes. This, however, is true of many of his noted contemporaries during
the same interval.
Jesse Hughes went hunting for service
berries near his home on Hacker's Creek, and at the same time, two Indians were
hunting for Jesse. Finding a tree
loaded with berries, he was soon ensconced
among its branches regaling himself with the delicious fruit; when suddenly two
warriors appeared under the tree and exultingly exclaimed that they "had
him," and laughing at his predicament, called to him to "come down,
give up; Injun no hurt." Realizing that he was trapped, and in order to
gain time to formulate some plan of escape, he effected a nonchalant air, and
requested that they would allow him to eat a few more berries before
descending. At the same time he began
to break off small branches ladened with berries and toss them to his
captors. The Indians, desiring to take
him prisoner, and wishing to show their good intentions towards him, complied,
and were soon enjoying the rich fruit.
The tree stood on the brow of a steep bluff, or deep gully, and Jesse,
with every faculty alert, cautiously and slowly drew the Indians away from the
tree by skillfully dropping the branches further and further down the
declivity. At last getting them as far
away as possible or prudence would allow, he suddenly leaped
from the tree, landing in an opposite direction. Before the astonished braves could fire upon him, Jesse had
vanished like a flash over the brow of the bluff, and was soon lost to sight
in the deep forest. The Indians,
knowing from experience the utter futility of pursuit, made no attempt to
recapture him.
A Mrs. Straley, who lived near West's
Fort, related that when she was a little girl she went to hunt some sheep that
had strayed from home, and getting lost on the West Fork, she remained
all night alone in the wilderness. Next
morning, getting her bearings, she started home, and met Jesse searching for
her.
Somewhere on the waters of the West Fork
River, two Indians were fired upon by the settlers, and one killed. The other badly wounded, made off. A party went in pursuit, and found
him lying in a tangle of brush. As they
approached, he greeted them kindly, and the men were inclined to mercy, but Jesse
Hughes who came up a little later, tomahawked and scalped the
helpless warrior, accompanying his work with many profane expletives. This was a distinct incident from the Morgan
Indian tragedy at Pricket's Fort in 1779, referred to elsewhere in this volume.
It was during this period that Jesse went
very early one morning, to bring in a horse which had been in a pasture some distance
from his cabin.
He arrived at the edge of the field just
as day was breaking. Ever cautious, the
wary scout paused to reconnoiter the premises before venturing into the
open. Peering through his leafy
screen, Jesse saw his horse, a spirited black, flying across the field pursued
by a young Indian. The scout, who had on
more than one occasion measured speed and endurance with fleet-footed
warriors, was amazed and startled to see this Indian outstrip the frantic
steed. But, owing to the dread in which
the horse of the white man held Indians, this wild runner could not seize or
fasten upon the coveted prize. It was
yet too dark for Hughes to use his rifle with any degree of accuracy. So, from his place of concealment, he
watched this chase in the dusk of the departing night. But the day grew, and soon the silence was broken
by the crash of the scout's deadly rifle, and before the answering echoes had
ceased to reverberate through the valley, the swiftest runner of the
Monongahela was lying still in death.
One cannot but feel regret at the tragic
death of this bronzed athlete, who was seemingly alone and bent on no bloody designs
against the settlement. Like the
untamed Highlander, he had
merely come
"To spoil the spoiler as
we may,
And from the robber rend the
prey."
He was apparently trying to collect in
his own way the poor tithe regarded as justly his from the robber-like usurpers
of his country.
Indians sometimes came into the
settlement alone. It was not uncommon
for a young brave to go singly in quest of horses or scalps. If successful, his reputation as a warrior
was assured. I have often heard the northwestern tribes narrate incidents of this
nature. The one shot through the
shoulder by West in the field just south of the old Henry McWhorter cabin, near
"Beech Fort," was a straggler
of this kind. This Indian, badly
wounded made off, and as was afterwards learned by following his trail, he
stopped at a spring on the hillside, on what is now the Nicholas Alkire farm,
about two miles up Hacker's Creek, near the mouth of Life's Run, and bathed his
wound.
This spring has since been known as
Indian Spring. After dressing his
wound, the Indian went perhaps a mile further, and crept into a cleft in the
rocks, where his dead body was afterwards
found. This ridge-cliff, known as
"Indian Rock," is on the farm now owned by Jesse Lawson, on Life's
Run, a branch of Hacker's Creek.
The settlers on the upper waters of the
Monongahela often went in canoes and flat-boats to Fort Pitt, where they
exchanged skins, furs, jerked venison, and other products of the wilderness for
ammunition and necessaries. Jesse
Hughes and Henry McWhorter made a trip together. One day they put ashore where a number of children were playing,
among them a little Indian boy. The incident which followed I will give in
McWhorter's own words.
"The instant that Jesse caught sight
of the little Indian boy his face blazed with hatred. I saw the devil flash in his eye, as feigning great good humor,
he called out, 'Children, don't you want to take a boat ride?' Pleased with a
prospective glide over the still waters of the Monongahela, one and all came
running towards the boat. Perceiving
Hughes' cunning ruse to get the little Indian into his clutches, I picked up an
oar, and gruffly ordering the children away, quickly shoved the boat from the
bank. When safely away, I turned to
Hughes and said, 'Now,
Jesse, ain't you ashamed?' 'What have I done?' he sullenly asked. 'What have you done? why, you intended to kill that little Indian
boy. I saw it in your every move and
look, the moment
you got sight of the little fellow.' 'Yes,' he said, 'I intended when we got
into mid-stream to stick my knife in him and throw him overboard.' When I
remonstrated with him about this, he said, 'Damn it, he's an Injun!' "
Brutal?
Yes; but let us not deal too harshly with the memory of Jesse Hughes,
whose only schooling was that acquired upon a bloody frontier. Naturally such a training was void of sentiment. It contained not the elements of charity or
mercy. It was narrow, cramped and selfish.
It saw only the smouldering ruins of the settler's cabin, its scalped
inmates; the helpless swept into captivity, with visions of the gauntlet and
the torture stake. The whites believed
their own actions justifiable and in the interests of their civilization. The conquest of a country has always brought
about the possibility of barbarous conditions, and but comparatively few of our
frontiersmen have possessed the sturdiness of purpose to avoid the inhuman
actions prompted by them.
But there were two sides. The Indians were cruelly wronged. They were
deceived, defrauded and treacherously dealt with. Their lands were encroached
upon, in gross violation of solemn treaty
rights. Their game was destroyed. Friendlies were shot down without
provocation, and entire families and bands of hunters were murdered, in the
fastnesses of their own domain. There
were schemes promulgated, and I believe employed, by those high in authority,
for the indiscriminate destruction of the Indians, far more hellish than those
ever dreamed of by the wilderness
warrior. We should be just and place
where they belong the various causes for the brutalities enacted on the border.
George Jackson was captain of the first
military company organized in the Buckhannon settlement. The date of this organization and its object
has been a matter of conjecture. It is thought
by some to have originated at the call of Col.
William Darke, when he recruited his "Hampshire and Berkeley
Regiment" in the Spring of 1781.
This was an emergency regiment raised to oppose the invasion of Virginia
by the British. This regiment was at
the siege of Yorktown and the surrender of General Cornwallis in the following
October, and was one of the guard which conducted a contingent of the
vanquished army to the prison barracks near Winchester, Virginia.
It is not probable that Capt. Jackson
participated in the campaign against Yorktown.
He recruited a company from the settlements in May, 1781, and joined
General Clark at Fort Pitt in his
attempted expedition against Detroit.
The first military company at Buckhannon
was a band of Indian spies, organized in 1779.
George Jackson was Captain of this body. He is said subsequently to have had general command of the
various bands of spies in the settlements, and was succeeded in this rank by
Col. Lowther. Later, Jackson was a Colonel in the militia, and is inseparably
connected with the early
history of the Upper Monongahela. He is
mentioned by Withers on several occasions, and his memorable night run from Buckhannon
to Clarksburg for assistance when some of the settlers were
besieged in an out-house in 1782, was characteristic of the energy and daring
courage that made him a leader among men.
He
was a member of the First Virginia Assembly in 1788 which ratified the Federal Constitution. His long subsequent public career is of
record and need not be repeated here.
He was an associate of the Hughes, but could not vie with them in Indian
woodcraft.
The two brothers of Jesse Hughes, Thomas
and Elias, were both commissioned officers in Col. Lowther's Company of Rangers and Spies, and from the following
story, which was gleaned from a source worthy of credence, it would appear that
Jesse was also a subaltern officer in the same company.
Sometime in the early nineties, Colonel
Lowther ordered Jesse Hughes to take such men as he deemed necessary and scout from
the Buckhannon Fort by way of French Creek and the headwaters
of the West Fork to the falls of the Little Kanawha; from which point, if no
Indian sign was discovered, he was to proceed to the mouth of Leading Creek, up
which stream he was to return
to the settlements by way of Polk Creek.
Usually the scouts would strike the Ohio River near Wheeling, there
construct a raft by which to descend the Ohio to the site of Parkersburg, examining
all the Indian trails leading to the settlements. If signs of Indians were discovered, they would immediately
strike for the settlements and give warning of the threatening danger, but if
none were found they would scout over the Indian warpath that followed up the
Little Kanawha and Leading Creek on their return home. This more northern territory, on the
occasion of which I write, was doubtless patrolled by other efficient scouts residing
on the Upper Monongahela.
The route laid out for Jesse Hughes
covered the several Indian trails leading from the Little Kanawha to the Upper Monongahela. The principal path was up Leading Creek and
down Polk
Creek to the West Fork. There were,
however, a few less frequented and more secluded paths among the labyrinth of
small streams flowing from the divide between the headwaters of the Little
Kanawha and the West Fork. One of these
led up Oil Creek from the Kanawha and passed down the small stream known as "Indian
Carrying Run" on the opposite side of the divide to the West Fork. The distance between the headings of these
two tributaries is only a few hundred yards and was known as "Indian Carrying
Place." This was the only point where the Indians "portaged," or
"carried" between the Kanawha and the Monongahela, hence the
name. The "Carrying Place" is
on "Indian Farm," where Arnold Station now is.
The war parties from Ohio, in their
forays on the western Virginia border, never traveled by water. The topography of the country and the nature
of its streams precluded the idea. By placing
a few sentinels along the streams traversed, the settlers could have
effectively guarded against surprise, and have easily intercepted the Indians
in their flight. Canoe voyages were doubtless
resorted to on some of these western streams by the Indians when raiding the
settlements east of the Alleghenies, prior to the settling of the Upper Monongahela. At that period they were immune from pursuit
west of the mountains, where the canoe would have been a safe and easy mode of
travel. The Little Kanawha from its
mouth to the "portage" referred to, afforded a direct highway of some
fifty miles.
"Canoe Run," which flows into the West Fork about
one-half mile below Roanoke, in Lewis County, derived its name from the scouts
finding an Indian canoe moored under some willows in or near the mouth of this
stream.
"Indian Cap Run," which enters the
river from the east, between Jacksonville and Walkersville, took its name from
an Indian cap, or head-dress, found on the western trail near its source.
In Walkersville, about one hundred and
fifty yards from the forks of the river, and just above the road, a block of
sandstone juts from the hillside, on which is carved "1780." The date
is legible, though crudely executed. It
was found there by the scouts, who attributed it to Simon Girty. But the handiwork could hardly be that of
Simon Girty personally, who could neither read nor write.
In the scouting expedition referred to,
Jesse Hughes thought that a small party would be sufficient, and selected
Alexander West to accompany him. They
traversed the route designated without
finding an Indian sign. They reported
at Clarksburg, and in general council it was apparent that no Indians were
lurking on the border. Winter was fast
approaching, and there was but little probability of further hostilities that
Fall. Colonel Lowther commended the scouts
highly for their celerity and faithfulness, and dismissed them for the
season. Colonel George Jackson, who was
present, also praised their splendid work.
While out, the scouts had noted that the
beech mast in the bottoms and low hills about the head of French Creek was
heavy, and that the region was full of bear.
A hunt was planned by the two scouts and the colonels. Hughes and West then proceeded to West's
Fort, and sent a dispatch to notify the Buckhannon settlement of the result of
their scouting. Within a few days they
were joined at West's by the two officers, and the next day the company left
for the hunting grounds. The first
night they stayed at an old Indian camp, known to Hughes only, who had been there
on previous occasions. Here they saw an
abundance of deer, which at that time held no attraction for them. The next morning they crossed the divide to
French Creek, where they found all the bear sign reported by the scouts. The ground had been scratched over for
miles, such as they had never seen before; but the sign was all old, and not a
bear could be found. They had evidently
gone to the rough mountainous regions of the Kanawha, the Holly, and the
Buckhannon for winter quarters, as very few bear wintered in the more open
hills of the West Fork.
Hughes and West desired to follow the
bear, but it was necessary for Colonel Jackson to return home, and reluctantly they
decided to accompany him. They
recrossed the mountain and spent
the night at their former camp. The
deer, so unattractive the evening before, now engaged their attention, and they
determined to spend the day shooting.
They divided their party: Hughes and West were pitted against the two
colonels. They were to hunt for a
wager, the prize being all the deer skins taken. No fawns were to be counted, and if a shot failed to bring down the
game it was to deduct one from the party who fired it. All bullets in the shot-pouches were
counted, and for these the hunter must account at the close of the day. It was agreed that the two officers were to
hunt below, while the scouts were to hunt above the camp.
Everything arranged, the hunt began, and
in the evening when the game was tallied and the bullets all accounted for, the
score stood nineteen for Hughes and West, and twenty-one for the colonels. The next morning the game was skinned, such venison
selected as was desired, and the camp broken.
It was then suggested that the stream, on a branch of which they were encamped,
was yet unnamed, and it was unanimously agreed that it should be called
"Skin Creek," in commemoration of their remarkable hunt. As Jesse Hughes had piloted them to the
camp, and to him alone was known the sylvan retreat, they called this tributary
"Hughes Fork." These names they still bear.
Afterwards, Joseph Hall, who came from
England, and who was a corporal in Lord Dunmore's expedition in 1774, acquired
title to a tract of land on Hughes Fork, including the camp site. Hall learned that Jesse Hughes also claimed
this land by "tomahawk improvement." He met Hughes in Clarksburg and
enquired regarding his claim, offering to pay him for any right he might hold
to the land. Hughes replied, "I
did have a claim to that land; I camped there two or three times, and had a
great hunt. I marked some trees
expecting to acquire a title to the land.
But I have," he continued, "more of such claims than I have
use for; and I hear, Joe, that you now have a wife, and will need the
land." Hall told him that he not only had a wife, but also a little
curlyheaded boy. Hughes rejoined,
"In that case, I would give the land to the boy if I had a patent for
it." He then described the old Indian camp - a spring, and a beautiful
location for a house.
Joseph Hall's son, Jonathan, settled on
this land in 1820. Ten years later he cleared the site of the old camp, near
which he built a new residence. The
fire hearths of the camp, three in number, were unearthed by the plow. They were about two rods apart, and in the
form of a triangle. They indicated long
use, the ashes and burned stone extending considerably below the surface. Nearby were two dark spots in the soil, each
about sixteen feet in diameter. These
proved extremely fertile, the corn growing much more luxuriantly there than on
the surrounding soil. The unearthing of the old camp was witnessed
by Jonathan Hall's sons, the youngest of whom, John Strange Hall, is still living,
and occupies the ancestral homestead.
To Mr. Hall I am indebted for most of the particulars contained in this
chapter.
Alexander West's son, Charles, settled on
Hughes Fork of Skin Creek, on land said to have been "tomahawked" by
his father during this hunt.
Some time prior to the close of Indian
hostilities on the border, Henry Jackson, the great land surveyor, who executed
several of the large surveys in (now) central West Virginia, received
warrants for thirty-five thousand acres, to be laid off in five thousand acre
tracts. This was the celebrated Bank's Survey,
destined in after years, like many others of that day, to figure prominently in
the Courts.
A surveying party consisted of the
surveyor, two chain-bearers, a "marker," and a cook, who helped as
"packer;" also two hunters, who supplied the camp with meat and acted
as scouts.
Such an outfit was a recognized scouting party in time of Indian hostilities,
and was often attended by regular Spies or Rangers employed by the State or
Federal government.
Jackson selected a new field for his
operations, and pitched camp on Leading Creek in (now) Gilmer County. He arrived there in the evening, and marked
a black gum tree for a corner. He then
set his compass and noted that the line determined on would cross the creek
three times. After this he rested for
the day. Supper over, Jesse Hughes, one of the hunters, announced that he and
his comrade would go down the creek about two miles to a famous lick and kill a
deer for breakfast. Before starting
they heard the howl of a wolf. This was
answered by another in the general direction of the lick, but apparently some
distance apart. The calls were repeated
occasionally and seemed to approach each other. Jackson declared these were Indian signals, and that they must
return at once and alarm the settlements. Hughes rebelled. He would
not "run from Injuns until he saw Injuns to run from." He then added
that he could approach the lick from the bluff and see any object near it
without danger of discovery. Jackson
reluctantly permitted Hughes and his companion to go, but first exacted a
promise that they would not fire, no odds how fair an Indian mark they might
see. If the signals heard were from
Indians it was evident that others were in the immediate vicinity, and it was
of the utmost importance that the presence of the whites be kept secret. The scouts set out, and soon returned with
the intelligence that two Indians were watching the lick, armed with bows and
arrows. The whites returned to West's Fort that night, and spread the
alarm.
The Indians evidently discovered signs of
the surveying party and its hasty retreat, for they passed by the immediate settlements
and committed depredations on Cheat River, carrying off
some plunder. Colonel Lowther had his
scouts and rangers out watching, and succeeded in intercepting the Indians in
their retreat, killed a few of them and recovered the stolen property.
Jackson never went back to complete his
work. In due time, however, the Bank's Survey was properly returned, neatly
plotted, and showing the crossings of the chief streams. It was forwarded to the Governor, who issued
the patent. In later years Lewis Maxwell
became owner of the Bank's Survey, and spent years in search of Jackson's
beginning corner. Finally the place was
located where the three crossings of the creek were visible, but no marks of
survey were ever found there. However,
in following one of jackson's imaginary lines, a tree was found with an old "line
mark." This, Maxwell claimed, had been placed by Jackson. In the meantime, later patents for the land
had been discovered, and Maxwell brought suit for possession. The case was tried at Glenville, Gilmer
County, and lasted two weeks, consuming the entire term of court. The main point involved was the identity of Jackson's
beginning corner, although many other points were contested. The defense offered to prove that the mark
found on "Jackson's line" was one of Jesse Hughes' tomahawk claims, antedating
the Bank's Survey; but the Hughes' claim had never been carried into grant, and
the court ruled against the introduction of such testimony. The case was decided for the defense.
Mr. J. S. Hall was present at the trial,
and after the case was settled, Mr. Enoch Withers, an attorney for the defense,
told Mr. Hall that there was an old veteran of Jackson's party still living,
who could point out the exact spot of the gum tree corner, but it was not to
the interest of the defense to divulge his name.
Henry Jackson told the particulars of the
survey and scare by the Indians to his young nephew, George Jackson
Arnold, a grandson of Col. George Jackson, who figured in the Skin
Creek hunt.
When forts were built along the Ohio,
Indian incursions into Virginia became less frequent. The garrisons of these forts and the settlers who gathered about
them created a demand on the settlements on the Western Monongahela for beef
and milk cows.
In 1791
we find Jesse Hughes with Nicholas Carpenter, in his ill-fated enterprise
undertaken to supply this demand at Fort Harmer at the mouth of the
Muskingum. The ensuing brief account of
this occurrence is taken from Withers.
"In the month of September, Nicholas
Carpenter set off to Marietta with a drove of cattle to sell to those who had
established themselves there; and when within some miles from the Ohio river,
encamped for the night. In the morning early,
and while he and the drovers were yet dressing, they were alarmed by a discharge of guns, which killed one and
wounded another of his party. The
others endeavored to save themselves by flight; but Carpenter being a cripple
(because of a wound received some years before) did not run far, when finding
himself becoming
faint, he entered a pond of water where he fondly hoped he should escape observation. But no! both he and a son who had likewise
sought security there, were discovered, tomahawked and scalped. George Legget, one of the drovers, was never
after heard of; but Jesse Hughes succeeded in getting off though under disadvantageous
circumstances. He wore long leggins,
and when the firing commenced at the camp, they were fastened at top to his
belt, but hanging loose below. Although an active runner, yet he found that
the pursuers were gaining and must ultimately overtake him if he did not rid
himself of his encumbrance. For this
purpose he halted somewhat and stepping on the lower part of his leggins, broke
the strings which tied them to his belt; but before he accomplished this, one
of the savages approached and hurled a tomahawk at him. It merely grazed his head, and he then again
took flight and soon got off.
"It was afterwards ascertained that
the Indians by whom this mischief was effected, had crossed the Ohio river near
the mouth of the Little Kenhawa, where they took a negro belonging to Captain
James Neal, and continued on towards the settlements on West Fork, until they
came upon the trail made by Carpenter's cattle. Supposing that they belonged to families moving, they followed on
until they came upon the drovers; and tying the negro to a sapling made an
attack on them. The negro availed himself of their employment elsewhere, and
loosening the bands
which fastened him, returned to his master."
The following more elaborate description
of the foregoing tragedy is given by Hildreth.
"The year 1791 was more fruitful in
tragical events than any other during the war, in the vicinity of
Marietta. After that period the
attention of the Indians was more occupied with the troops assembled on the
borders of their own country, or already penetrating to the vicinity of their
villages. The United States troops
stationed at the posts within the new settlements, drew a considerable portion
of their meat rations from the inhabitants of the western branches of the Monongahela,
about Clarksburg, especially their fresh beef. Several droves had been brought from that region of the country in
1790 and '91 and sold to Paul Fearing, Esq., who had been appointed Commissary
to the troops. A considerable number of cattle, especially milk cows, were also
sold to the inhabitants of Marietta.
Among those engaged in this employment was Nicholas Carpenter, a worthy,
pious man, who had lived many years on the frontiers and was well acquainted
with a forest life. He left Clarksburg
the last of September, with a drove, accompanied by his little son, ten years
old, and five other men, viz:
Jesse Hughes, George Legit, John Paul, Barns, and Ellis. On the evening of the 3rd of October, they
had reached a point six miles above Marietta, and encamped on a run half a mile
from the Ohio, and since called 'Carpenter's run.' The cattle were suffered to
range in the vicinity, feeding on the rich pea vines that then filled the
woods, while the horses were hoppled, the leaves pulled out from around the
clappers of their bells, and turned loose in the bottom. After eating their suppers, the party spread
their blankets on the ground and lay down
with
their feet to the fire. No guard was
set to watch the approach of an enemy. Their
journey being so near finished, without discovering any signs of Indians, that
they thought all danger was past.
"It so happened that not far from
the time of their leaving home, a party of six Shawanese Indians, headed as was
afterwards ascertained, by Tecumseh, then quite a youth, but ultimately so
celebrated for bravery and talents, had crossed the Ohio river near Bellville,
on a marauding expedition in the vicinity of Clarksburg. From this place they passed over the ridges
to 'Neil's Station,' on the Little Kenawha, one mile from the mouth, where they
took prisoner a colored boy of Mr. Neil, about twelve years old, as he was out
looking for the horses early in the morning.
It was done without alarming the garrison, and they quietly proceeded on
their route, doing no other mischief; pursuing their way up the Kenawha to the
mouth of Hughes' river, and following the north fork, fell on to the trail from
Clarksburg to Marietta. This took them
about three days. There was no rain, and the leaves so dry that their rustling
alarmed the deer, and they could kill no game for food. Their only nourishment for that period was a
single tortoise, which they divided among them, giving Frank, the black boy, an
equal share. As he was much exhausted
and discouraged, they promised him a horse to ride on their return. These circumstances were related by Frank
after his escape.
"Soon after leaving the north fork
of Hughes' river, they fell onto the trail of Carpenter's drove, and thinking
it made by a caravan of settlers on their way to the Ohio, they held a short
council. Giving up any further progress
towards Clarksburg they turned with renewed energy and high spirits upon the fresh
large trail, which they perceived had very recently been made. So broad was the track made by the cattle
and four or five horses that they followed it without difficulty, at a rapid
pace all night, and came in sight of the camp fire a little before
daylight. Previous to commencing the
attack, they secured Frank with leather thongs to a stout sapling on the top of
an adjacent ridge. The trampling of the
cattle and the noise of the horse bells greatly favored the Indians in their
approach, but as there was no sentinel there was little danger of
discovery. Tecumseh, with the cautious cunning that ever distinguished
him posted his men behind the trunk of a large fallen tree, a few yards from
the camp, where they could watch the movements of their enemies.
"At the first dawn of day Mr.
Carpenter called up the men, saving they would commence the day with the
accustomed acts of devotion which he had long practiced. As the men sat around the fire, and he had
just commenced reading a hymn, the Indians rose and fired, following the
discharge with a terrific yell, and rushed upon their astonished victims with
the tomahawk. Their fire was not very well directed, as it killed only one man,
Ellis from Greenbrier, and wounded John Paul through the hand. Ellis instantly fell, exclaiming, 'O Lord, I
am killed!' The others sprang to their feet, and before they could all get
their arms which were leaning against a tree, the Indians were among them. Hughes, who had been an old hunter and often
in skirmishes with savages, in his haste seized on two rifles, Carpenter's and
his own and pushed into the woods, with two Indians in pursuit. He fired one of the guns, but whether with
effect is not known, and threw the other away.
Being partly dressed at the time of the attack his
long leggins were only fastened to the belt around his waist and were loose below,
entangling his legs, and greatly impeding his flight. To rid himself of this a encumbrance he stopped for a moment,
placed his foot on the lower end, and tore them loose from his belt, leaving
his legs bare from the hips downward. This delay nearly cost him his life. His
pursuer then within a few feet of him, threw his tomahawk so accurately as to
graze his head. Freed from this impediment
he soon left his foe far behind.
Christopher Carpenter, the son of Nicholas,
now living in Marietta, says he well remembers seeing the bullet holes in
Hughes' hunting shirt after his return.
"In the race the competitors passed
near the spot where Frank was concealed, who described it as one of the
swiftest he had ever seen. John Paul,
who had been in many engagements with the Indians, escaped by his activity in
running. Burns, a stout, athletic man,
but slow of foot, was slain near the camp after a stout resistance. When found a few days after his jack knife
was still clasped in his hand, and the weeds trampled down for a rod or more
around, showing he had resisted manfully for life. George Legit was pursued for nearly two miles, overtaken
and killed. Mr. Carpenter, although a
brave man, was without arms to defend him and being lame could not run
rapidly. He therefore sought to conceal
himself behind some willows, in the bed of the run. He was soon discovered, with his little boy by his side. His captors conducted him to the spot
where the black boy had been left, and killed both him and his son. What led to the slaughter, after they had
surrendered, is not known. He was found
wrapped in his blanket, with a pair of new Indian moccasins on his feet, and
his scalp not removed. It is supposed
that these marks of respect were shown him at the request of one of the Indians
whose gun Carpenter had repaired at Marietta the year before, and had declined
any compensation for the service. He
was by trade a gunsmith. This
circumstance was told to C. Carpenter, many years after, by one of the Indians
who was present, at Urbana in Ohio. It is another proof of the fact, that an
Indian never forgets an act of kindness, even in an enemy.
"Tecumseh and his men, after
collecting the plunder of the camp, retreated in such haste, that they left all
the horses, which had probably dispersed in the woods at the tumult of the
attack. They no doubt feared a pursuit
from the rangers at Marietta and Williams' station, who would be notified by
the escape of their prisoner, Frank, who in the midst of the noise of the
assault contrived to slip his hands loose from the cords, and hide himself in a
thick patch of hazel bushes, from which he saw a part of the transactions. After the Indians had left the ground, he
crept cautiously forth, and by good fortune took the right direction to
Williams' station, opposite to Marietta.
A party of men was sent out the next day, who buried the dead as far as
they could then be found. Frank returned
to his master, and died only a few years since."
Colonel Joseph Barker assisted in burying the bodies of Carpenter
and his men.
From the foregoing it would appear that
Hughes had adopted the Indian mode of dress so popular with the half-wild
hunters and scouts in the latter years of the Indian wars on the Virginia border. Tradition says that Hughes was surprised by
the Indians near the Buckhannon Fort when entangled with loose leggins, and with
difficulty effected his escape.
Doubtless this story had its origin in the Carpenter occurrence.
A
single instance illustrative of Hughes' wonderful fleetness and dexterity with
his rifle will demonstrate to what a fearful strait he must have been reduced
that he should in his flight
cast aside a loaded gun. After he had
moved from Hacker's Creek, and was an old man, he returned on a visit. A Mr. Bailey, of Freeman's Creek, then a
lad, remembered seeing him and witnessing
the feat at a house-raising on Broad Run, in what is now Lewis County. When the house was completed the assembled young
men engaged in athletic sports, hopping, jumping and foot-racing,
as was customary in those days. One
athlete excelled all competitors in fleetness, and the old scout offered to run
with him. The conditions of the race
stipulated that Hughes with empty rifle in hand was to have ten paces the start
of his adversary; and if successful in charging his piece before caught he was
to be declared winner. Arrangements
were accordingly
made, and after the contestants had been properly placed, the signal was given
and they sprang forward. One was an aged
man, on whose visage the "shadows of the evening" were settling. The other, strong in the prime of youth,
exulted in the mounting vigor of manhood.
Swift was the race, but the chief of the Monongahela scouts proved
himself. He charged his rifle, and
whirling about, could easily have shot his rival before being caught.
The following traditional sequel to the
Carpenter tragedy is an extract from a manuscript by the late Mr. S. C. Shaw,
of Parkersburg, West Virginia. Mr, Shaw
spent considerable time in collecting
traditions from old papers and the descendants of the border pioneers. He died only a few years ago.
"At the first volley from the guns
of the Indians, Carpenter and three of his men fell dead. Hughes, the only one to escape death, was
slightly wounded, but by his extraordinary activity and fleetness succeeded,
after a long and at times close chase, in making his escape to Neal's
blockhouse at the mouth of the Little Kanawha.
The colored boy, Frank, whom the Indians had taken prisoner and tied to
a tree with deer sinews during the attack, succeeded with his teeth in severing
his bonds, and though closely pursued made his escape to the fort. When Hughes and the boy appeared at the
blockhouse and told the story of savage cruelty and murder, Isaac
Williams, a noted scout, immediately
took charge of a party which started in pursuit of the Indians. Arriving at the
scene of the tragedy, they found the body of Carpenter and his three men lying
by their camp fire, scalped and mutilated.
They buried their dead and struck the trail of the Shawnees leading
towards the river. Owing to a heavy
rain, they lost the trail somewhere near the point on which St. Mary's, the
county seat of Pleasants County, now stands, and the pursuit was abandoned.
Williams' party, consisting of Jesse Hughes, Malcomb Coleman, Elijah
Pixley and James Ryan, now held a council of war and unanimously agreed to
avenge the death of Carpenter and his party on the first Indians that fell in
their way.
"Williams led his party of avengers
across the Ohio at a ford near Willow Island and immediately took up their
silent march towards the head of Shade River, where they learned from the
scouts belonging to the Bellville blockhouse, a small party of Shawnees were
encamped on a hunt. The scouts went
into camp on the Little Hocking, early that evening, leaving one man on guard
to be changed at midnight; and rested until two o'clock in the morning, when, after
a hasty meal of dried venison and parched corn, they again took up the line of
march. Arriving within three miles of
where they had been told the Shawnees were camped, Williams and his party went
into hiding beneath a mass of thick undergrowth lining a small stream between
two wooded hills. Soon after being here
ensconced the report of fire arms nearby startled them. Peering through the branches of their bushy
canopy the scouts silently listened and waited. A few minutes later a large buck broke cover on the hillside and
came bounding down the slope in a straight
line for the thicket in which they were concealed. The scouts supposed that the Indians were in pursuit, and were
fearful that the buck would bring about their discovery. Fortunately for them, while the game was
fifty yards away, a rifle rang out on the still morning air, and the buck
sprang high and fell dead. An instant
later three Indians ran down the hill, and began dressing the carcass. From their head dress, and general
appearance, the scouts recognized them as Shawnees, and knew that they were
near the camp for which they were
looking. The whites remained motionless
and were undiscovered by the Indians, who, after completing their task, moved
off with their spoils. The whites kept
in hiding all day with one of their number constantly on the lookout.
"On the banks of the Shade River,
three miles distant from the hiding place of the whites, was a small creek
which emptied into the larger stream. A
huge rock stood back fifteen or twenty yards from the bank, and in front, and
between it and the river, stood four brush wigwams. The Indians had brought three of their squaws with them to cure
the meat, and with them three Indian lads, ranging from four to eleven years of
age. The band of warriors or hunters
consisted of four men. That night about
midnight the scouts approached within two or three hundred yards of the Indian
camp when Jesse Hughes went forward to ascertain their exact number and
location. Hughes soon returned with the
information given above, having arrived at this knowledge from the number of
lodges and the equipment about the lodges.
When Hughes reported, Williams divided his forces, sending Hughes with
two men to follow under the bank of the creek until opposite the camp; and then
followed by the remaining hunter, Williams cautiously crept up until he was
directly behind the rock referred to.
The cry of the whippoor-will was Hughes' signal that his force was in
position, and a minute later Williams and
Pixley crept from behind the rock and up to the nearest wigwam. So silent was their approach that even the
keen-eared Shawnees had no suspicion that an enemy was near. The moon was in the full and even under the
shade of the trees objects were plainly discernable. Williams and Pixley waited near the first wigwam until they saw
Hughes, Coleman and Ryan close up to another, then raising his hand as a
signal, dashed into the wigwam with a fearful yell, and before the sleeping
Indians could spring to their feet, they were upon them. The scouts had rushed with tomahawk in hand,
and almost in a second two Indian warriors and a squaw were tomahawked. While this tragedy was being enacted, Hughes
and his companions were holding another carnival of death within a few
yards. Yells and cries of pain rent the
air, and instantaneously the remaining Indians were out of their wigwams with
weapons in their hands. Heretofore the
whites had refrained from using their rifles, but after they had exterminated
the occupants of two wigwams first attacked, they sprang out with their rifles,
and before the panic-stricken
Indians could recover their presence of mind, the rifles of the whites began to
crack, and at each shot an Indian fell.
Nine of the party were killed.
The remaining Shawnee yelled with terror and fled to the forest. Fearing
an ambuscade, the scouts quickly reloaded their guns and then looked over the
field of battle.
"One little Indian boy, not over
four years old, was discovered concealed under a pile of furs and hides in a
corner of one of the wigwams, where he had crawled when the whites made their
attack.
"Although doubtless frightened at
the sight of the first white faces and heavy beards he had ever seen, the boy
did not so much as whimper when Pixley picked him up and was about to dash him
against a tree. Hughes, near Pixley at the
time, begged him to spare the boy; but Pixley, whose brother and son had been killed
and scalped by the Shawnees several months before, at first refused to spare
him, but after a good deal of persuasion Hughes at last succeeded in getting
possession of the lad.
"Four horses, a large amount of
fresh meat, a lot of furs and three good rifles were found and taken possession
of. The dead Indians were scalped, the horses
loaded with the captured plunder, and then fastening the Indian boy securely to
the back of one of them, the scouts began their retreat. They followed the banks of the Shade River
to its mouth, at what is today the town of Murrayville. From that point, they travelled several
miles up the Ohio to a ford where
they crossed, and arrived at the Beliville blockhouse. The little Indian prisoner was taken away a
few days later by Jesse Hughes, and an old manuscript says that he lived many
years among the whites in a settlement called Builtown, dying at the age of
nearly one hundred years, a devout Christian, greatly loved and respected in
his community."
The date (1785) and some of the details
as given in the original unabridged version of this tradition are so
conflicting, and the story of Hughes saving the little boy, an act so foreign to
his known nature, serve to cast doubt on the story. Some parts of it may be true; evidently much of it is
untrue. It was published in the
Pittsburg Post several years ago, and copied by the press, and is given for
what it is worth.
It is said that the colored lad's name
was Frank Wykoff, and that he was caught by the Indians one mile above Neal's
Fort while fishing at the mouth of the Little Kanawha; that his captors
tied his hands behind him, and packing a heavy load of food and utensils on his
shoulders, compelled him to keep pace with them. But it is not probable that the Indians were encumbered
with utensils or much food on a war expedition.
The companions of Jesse Hughes in this
traditional expedition of revenge and plunder were well known on the Virginia frontier. In February, 1793, we find that Malcom
Coleman, Elijah Pixley
and James Ryan, accompanied by Coleman's son John, left the fort at Belleville,
Ohio, in a canoe on a hunting trip up Big Mill Creek, in what is now Jackson
County, West Virginia. They camped at
or near where Cottageville now stands, and in a few days had all the venison
and bear meat their canoe would carry. Their
return home was delayed by the freezing of the creek.
Pixley
and young Coleman returned overland to the fort for a small supply of flour or
meal and salt, expecting to return in the forenoon of the third day. On that fatal morning, the elder Coleman
and Ryan rose early and prepared breakfast.
While returning thanks at the beginning of the meal they were fired on by
a band of Indians in ambush, and Coleman was instantly killed.
Ryan
was slightly wounded, but fled and in due time reached the fort. A party immediately returned to the camp,
only to find Coleman scalped and stripped of his clothing and the camp plundered. This occurrence was strangely coincident
with the Carpenter tragedy.
When the Waggoner family, on Jesse's Run, was massacred in May, 1792,
it was Jesse Hughes who carried the news of the tragedy to West's Fort and
alarmed the settlers. Colonel John McWhorter,
then a lad eight years of age was out hunting the cows not far from his
father's home near the fort, when hearing the rustling of underbrush and lancing
up, he saw Jesse, rifle –in-hand, running towards the fort. As Jesse passed the astonished lad he ejaculated, "Heel it to the
fort, ye little devil; Injuns after ye'!" The little fellow did "heel
it," endeavoring
to keep pace with the scout, but to no purpose. The fleet-footed trailer disappeared as suddenly as he came to
view.
This raid on the Waggoner family by
Tecumseh and his two warriors, with its subsequent history, and the story of
the tragedy as told by the Indians in after years, dimly reveals an incentive
to these border forays not usually attributed to the Indian by the
historian. That these incursions were
primarily of a partisan and revengeful nature, cannot be gainsaid, but that occasionally
they were prompted by motives of a different character is also certain. The carrying into captivity of small children
over long and dangerous wilderness paths by the fierce warrior, is
significant. I have elsewhere spoken of
the strong parental feeling which sways the Indian bosom. The vacant seat at the fireside of the
wigwam was as deeply mourned as in any home on earth. A longing to repair the broken circle, often led to the adoption
of a stranger by the bereaved family or tribe. Preferably the adopted one was a child, although often grown or matured
parties were acceptable. To fill these
vacancies, young children of likely appearance were kidnaped from the
settlements. That these adoptions were
successful, we need only refer to the pathetic scenes enacted at the several
treaties where these captives were surrendered. Often it was necessary to force them from their foster
parents. The grief caused by these
separations was always mutual. The
running of the gauntlet by the prisoner before
his adoption was, to use their own phraseology, "like how do you do,"
a hearty but rough initiation into Indian society.
The last traditional account that we have
of Jesse Hughes as defender of the border on the Upper Monongahela was in the
fall of 1793. It was really the sequel
of the following incident:
"In the spring of 1793, a party of
warriors proceeding towards the headwaters of the Monongahela river, discovered
a marked way, leading a direction which they did not know to be inhabited by
whites. It led to a settlement which had
been recently made on Elk river, by Jeremiah and Benjamin Carpenter and a few others
from Bath county, and who had been particularly careful to make nor leave any
path which might lead to a discovery of their situation, but Adam O'Brien moving
into the same section of country in the spring of 1792, and being rather an
indifferent woodsman, incautiously blazed the trees in several directions so as to
enable him to readily find his home, when business or pleasure should have drawn
him from it. It was upon one of these
marked traces that the Indians chanced to fall; and pursuing it, came to the
deserted cabin of O'Brien, he having returned to the interior, because of his
not making a sufficiency of grain for the subsistence of his family. Proceeding from O'Brien's, they came to the house
of Benjamin Carpenter, whom they found alone and killed. Mrs. Carpenter being
discovered by them, before she was aware of their presence, was tomahawked and
scalped, a small distance from the yard.
"The burning of Benjamin Carpenter's
house, led to a discovery of these outrages; and the remaining inhabitants of
that neighborhood, remote from any fort or populous settlement to which they
could fly for security, retired to the mountains and remained for several days
concealed in a cave. They then caught their
horses and moved their families to the West Fork; and when they visited the places
of their former habitancy for the purpose of collecting their stock and carrying
it off with other property, scarce a vestige of them was to be seen-the Indians
had been there after they left the cave, and burned the houses, pillaged their movable
property, and destroyed the cattle and hogs."
The following traditional account is
still preserved by the descendants of the Carpenters on Elk River.
Jeremiah Carpenter was born at Big Bend,
Jackson River, in Bath County, Virginia, and was there taken prisoner by a band
of Shawnees when but nine years old. He
lived with the tribe at Old
Town, opposite the mouth of the Great Kanawha until he was eighteen, when he
was exchanged and returned to Jackson River. From that place he moved to Elk
River, in what is now Braxton County,
West Virginia, settling about a quarter of a mile above Dry Run. Into that region the Indians came every
spring.
Adam O'Brien had blazed a trail from the
site of the present town of Sutton to the Salt Spring, the name by which the
white people spoke of the Indian Bull Town.
O'Brien went there to make salt.
Bull Town being on the old Indian war trail, a party of two Shawnee
warriors followed the blazed path made by O'Brien, to Elk River, and there saw
chips floating down the stream, which to them was proof that settlers had
erected buildings above. They followed
the river. There were two brothers,
Benjamin and Jeremiah Carpenter.
Benjamin's cabin was lowest on the river, at the mouth of Holly, twelve
miles above Sutton. The two Indians,
one large and the other small, came first upon the cabin of Benjamin. At the time, he was across the river burning
logs in his clearing, assisted by his mother and little sister, who had come
that day to visit him. His wife was
sick in bed, and the Indians tomahawked her, making no noise. The big Indian took Carpenter's gun from the
rack over the door, and seated himself in the corner of the cabin, the little
Indian concealing himself on a bank above the house. Carpenter came across the river to assist his wife if she should
want any aid, and also to prepare dinner.
But he stopped at the river bank and took a deer skin from the water
where it had been soaking in the process of dressing, and began work upon
it. While about this business the little
Indian shot at him and missed him. He
ran to the house to get his gun, and as he reached up to take it down, the big
Indian shot him in the side under the arm, and killed him. They then scalped
Carpenter, took his gun, powder-horn and shot-pouch, and left that region. Carpenter's mother concealed her little
girl in a hollow stump, and ran for her husband, but when he arrived at the
cabin of his son, the Indians were gone.
The following fall, at a fort on the West
Fork of the Monongahela, possibly at Clarksburg, the Indians killed and devoured
a cow belonging to Jesse Hughes. They
carried away with them a bell which the cow wore. One afternoon they rattled this bell in the woods on the
mountain-side above the fort. Some said
to Jesse Hughes that his cow was coming back.
He knew, however, that she had been killed, and replied that he wouId
"make that bell ring for something in the morning." That night he secreted himself in the woods
on the mountain above the point where the bell had been heard the previous
afternoon. As soon as it was light
enough to shoot, he again heard the bell, and cautiously made his way towards
it. He discovered two Indians, one
large, the other small. The big Indian
was standing up with his gun ready for instant use, and the little Indian was
walking about on his hands and knees, with the bell on his neck, rattling it in
imitation of a cow browsing in the woods.
Hughes shot the big Indian, and the small one ran. Jesse threw down his empty gun, seized that
of the dead Indian, pursued and soon came up with the little Indian and shot
him. The gun carried by the big Indian and
with which Hughes killed the little Indian, was the gun of Benjamin
Carpenter. The gun, powder-horn and shot-pouch
were returned to the Carpenter family.
The story of this occurrence, as told by
the immediate descendants of Jesse Hughes, is as follows: Hughes was visiting his
parents on Elk Creek, near Clarksburg.
One evening the cow did not
come home from the woods as usual, nor could she be found. The next morning Jesse's mother heard the
bell in the woods, and told her daughter to go and bring the cow home. Jesse,
hearing the order, stepped into the yard and listening attentively to the bell
for a moment, told his sister that he would go and bring the cow. Taking his rifle, he went into the woods
opposite to where the bell was still rattling, and making a circuit, came near
the bell on the side furthest from the house. When getting near the object of
his search, the odor of broiling meat
was wafted to his nostrils. The Indians
had killed the cow, and had been roasting the beef over the camp-fire. Cautiously advancing, he saw an Indian
rattling the bell in such a manner as the noise produced by a belled cow when
feeding. The Indians had gone some
distance from their camp towards the house, and were waiting to see if anyone
would come to get the cow. Hughes shot the
Indian who was ringing the bell.
In this version no mention is made of Jesse
killing more than one Indian, nor of the big and little Indian and Carpenter's gun. The last version is correct as to the place
and circumstance of Jesse's exploit; but there is every reason to believe that
the Carpenter version is correct in its relation to Carpenter and the two noted
Indians.
Early in the nineties there were two
Indians on the border who were well known to the rangers and scouts of Fort
Harmer, and other posts on the frontier.
Hildreth, says of these famous warriors:
"There were among these Indians two
whose footprints were well known to the rangers. One of them left a track eleven inches long, the other not more
than seven or eight. They were known as
the big and little Indian. They were
men of great subtlety and caution; often seen together by the spies, yet never
but once within reach of their rifles.
Joshua Fleehart, a noted hunter, and as cautious and cunning as any
savage, got a shot at the big Indian as the two lay in camp below
Bellville. The ball cut loose his
powder horn, which Joshua took as a prize,
and wounded him in the side, but he escaped."
It is probable that these were the
warriors killed by Hughes. No mention
of them is found in the border strife after this time.
The killing of Carpenter was cunningly
planned and executed and they would have succeeded in their decoy with the
bell, but for the keen discernment of Hughes.
Instead, they met a tragic death at the hands of this renowned scout of
the Monongahela.
We now come to the closing scenes of the
turbulent career of Jesse Hughes. The swirling storms of threescore years had swept
his path, leaving on his brow the heavy touch of time's relentless
hand. His auburn locks were thin and
grizzled. His lithe form was not so erect, nor his eagle eye so keen as in former
years, when daring the dangers and fearful privations incident
to border life, he traversed the deep forests of the Monongahela wilds, meeting
and challenging the skill and endurance of the most wily of his hereditary
foes. He had laughed at
danger's toils, and played "toss up and catch" with death in a hundred
daring adventure and always won. The great object of his life had been
revenge. With death ever at his elbow,
he had successfully run the gauntlet of war, striking down in his passage the
warrior, mother, and the child. And now, as the shadows were falling to the
east, they thickened and became black, and the sunset of life was overcast with
bitter disappointment, gloomy reflections, sorrow and despair. Touching the pathetic ending of this
remarkable borderman, judge R. S. Brown, in his Centenniel address delivered at
Ravenswood, West Virginia, July 4, 1876, says:
"Jesse Hughes, brother of Thomas,
before spoken of, was the son of Thomas Hughes who settled on the Monongahela
River in 1776, and was soon after killed by the Indians, leaving a large and
helpless family in the wilderness.
Jesse grew up in the school of hardship to be a brave, handsome, active
man. The stories of the murder of his father and other kindred and friends
embittered him against the Red Man, and terrible was the retribution he visited
upon them.
"His name was a terror to the savage
foe and a household word of comfort to the scattered settlers on the Buckhannon
River, Hacker's Creek, and elsewhere where he visited with the brave and
chivalrous spirit of the knight-errant to ward off the savage blow. Always on
the alert and courting danger at every point, he pursued the savage with the
pertinacity of a bloodhound and never stopped short of his prey. Hughes' River, a large navigable stream
north of us, was so named
in honor of his exploits. He was justly
regarded as the peer of the Zanes, McColloghs and Wetzels. A history of the deeds of this brave man in
defense of his people would fill a volume.
When the Indians fell back Jesse Hughes followed them, first to the
Muskingum, and then to the Wabash, and only after their complete surrender to
General Wayne did he make peace.
"He came back here and settled on
the Sandy where Mr. J. S. Dilworth now lives near [Sandyville], where he
obtained a patent for a piece of land. and made improvements. He was the first
settler on that creek. He planted an orchard and cleared some land for a home
in his old age; but after living there many years he found his land was long
previously granted to John Allison, so Jesse Hughes, the hero of a hundred
bloody battles in defense of his country and his race, like his great friends
Simon Kenton and Daniel Boone, was a
homeless wanderer at the age of seventy-nine years. He went to live with his
son-in-law, George W. Hanshaw, on the farm now owned by Mrs. W. S. Proctor.
Worn out with toil and exposure and stung with the ingratitude of his
countrymen, he wandered one day with his gun in the woods, and there, alone in
a leafy grove, just on the run near where we are met, he died. He was buried
here on the bottom but no stone marks the spot where reposes the dust of the
brave pioneer."
After the loss of their home, Jesse and
his wife lived for a time with their son, Thomas, who resided on the Ohio just
below Ravenswood. Afterwards they made
their home with their daughter, Nancy Agnes Hanshaw, who lived at the mouth of
Turkey Run, perhaps on the site of Jesse's former home. Here Jesse died, as narrated
by judge Brown in the last of September or the first of October, 1829.
In his old age he became very childish,
and at every noise imagined that Indians were around. Then, taking down his rifle,
he would go out and look for them. It was, perhaps, in one of these sallies
against an imaginary enemy, that the old scout met death in the lonely, silent
woods. His death was a fitting one. He had spent most of his career in the
wilderness - a part of the wild savage life about him. Oft had he heard the
reverberating echo of his deadly rifle answered by the moaning cadence of the sobbing
wind, wailing in the gloomy forest a sad requiem over the dying warrior who had
fallen a victim of his vengeance. Again had he listened in superstitious awe to
the demoniacal shrieking of the mighty Manitou whirling and crashing in fury
through the deep fastnesses of the sombre mountains, as if in protest against the
withering hand of the pale-face lifted so unremorselessly against the red
children of his wooded domain.
At last, in the beauteous mellow of the
Southern autumn day - in the dreamy haze of the soft Indian summer - there
alone under the trees he loved so well, death came to the old woodsman.
The grimness of the irony of fate is
reflected in the closing career of this, the greatest of the pathfinders of western
Virginia. Of all the vast regions that
he had been so active and ruthless in wresting from the rightful owners, not an
acre did he possess. His very grave is
lost to the second generation of his family.
No one knows where Jesse Hughes was buried. I have tried through every available source to locate the grave
of the renowned scout, but without success.
Jesse Hanshaw, his grandson and namesake
(line of Nancy), was born in 1831, at the home where his aged grandfather had
died two years before. The cabin in
which Mr. Hanshaw was born stood on the present site of the residence of W. S.
Proctor, who still owns the farm. The
place at that time consisted of two cabins, and was known as "Beggar's
Town." Mr. Hanshaw declared that his mother pointed out to him the place
where his grandfather was buried, and that this was on their home-farm, now
owned by Proctor, and above Turkey Run, on the upland in the old orchard. He
believes that he might be able to locate the spot, though no stone marks the
grave. In 1893, while digging a
post-hole near his residence, Proctor found a human skeleton, which may have been
that of Jesse Hughes. The location
where this skeleton was found -
on the high ground back of where the Hughes cabin stood - corresponds with that
given by Mr. Hanshaw, as pointed out by his mother.
There is an old burial ground between the
road and the river, on the lower part of A. J. Rolif's farm, which adjoins that
of Mr. Proctor, where repose the remains of some of the oldest
settlers of that region, and it has been suggested that Jesse Hughes might have
been buried there. Another tradition says
that he was buried near "Hughes' Eddy," below Ravenswood. But I am inclined to believe that Mr. Hanshaw
is right in his location of the grave of the old scout. There is no doubt that Mrs. Hanshaw knew
where her father was buried, and her son should know, within a reasonable
degree of accuracy, the location of the grave.
After the death of Jesse Hughes, his wife
lived with her daughter Massie, at Gandeeville, Roane County, (now) West Virginia,
where she died in January 1842. She was
buried at Gandeeville, and at this writing her grave is shown only by a crude
stone. It is hoped that the numerous
descendants of this pioneer mother will mark with an enduring and appropriate monument
her last resting place, before it, like that of her renowned husband, is
lost to the world forever.
A few years ago, the old rocking-chair
that belonged to Mrs. Jesse Hughes was still preserved by some of her immediate
descendants in Jackson County, West Virginia.
What became of this chair is not known to me, but it is, in all
probability, still in possession of some of the family in that region.
Mr. Samuel Alkire of Hacker's Creek, was
once in possession of an old gun charger that belonged to his
great-grandfather, Jesse Hughes. This
charger was finely carved from a prong of the antler of a deer, and evidently
measured out death to more than one Indian in the wilds of the
Monongahela. Unfortunately, this interesting
relic, perhaps the last memento of the great scout, was lost about thirty years
ago, by a squirrel hunter, on lower Hacker's Creek, which had been the theatre
of the most turbulent scenes in the wild life of Jesse Hughes.
THOMAS HUGHES, SENIOR -Settled on Elk
Creek, in (now) Harrison County, (West) Virginia, and killed by Indians on Hacker's
Creek in 1778. It is not known where he
was born, but the
evidence is cogent that the most of his life was spent on the border, and that
his removal to the Upper Monongahela was from the Wappatomaka. The majority of the pioneers of the country
in which he settled came from that region, and there is strong proof, in the
birth of his son, Elias, that he resided there in 1757.
It is not certainly known whom Thomas
Hughes, Senior, married. I have been
unable to find any record touching that phase of his life. Some of the older descendants of his son Elias
think that his wife's maiden name was Baker.
The number of children, their names, and
the dates of their births, are not with certainty known. The names of some of them, however, are
known.
JESSE HUGHES was born in 1750, settled on
Hacker's Creek in 1771-72; married Miss Grace Tanner the year of his settlement
there; became one of the most famous scouts and Indian fighters of all the
west; moved to the Wabash in the fall of 1797 or 1798; moved thence to eastern
Kentucky the following fall, exact location not known; moved thence to western
Virginia in the following spring, and settled at the mouth of Turkey Run, in
what is now Jackson County, West Virginia; afterwards settled on Sand Creek,
same county, near where Sandyville was afterwards built; died at the mouth of
Turkey Run, just above the town of Ravenswood, in the Autumn of 1829.
THOMAS HUGHES, JUNIOR, was born about
1754; settled on the West Fork about 1775; was an active scout during the
entire border wars, and was Lieutenant of a Company of Spies. He afterwards
settled in Jackson County, West Virginia, where he died in October, 1837. His wife died three months previous. Her name is unknown to me. They left one
child, Thomas, born 1774,
who was still living in 1854.
ELIAS HUGHES was born in 1757, in now
Hardy County, Virginia. He was called "Ellis" Hughes by many of the early settlers, the name
"Ellis" being applied as the result of the inattention
of the pioneers to the exactness in speaking names. He came to Harrison County while only a boy and grew up to be a scout
and Indian fighter second only to his brother Jesse. Was in Battle of Point Pleasant and subsequently commissioned a Captain
of Spies. He married Miss Jane
Sleeth. In 1797, moved to the Muskingum
in Ohio, and the next year to Licking County, Ohio. Was Captain of Militia and commissioned Second Lieutenant, Col. Rennick's Regiment Mounted Ohio Volunteers,
War 1812. Died near Utica, Ohio,
December 22, 1844. His wife died in
1827.
SUDNA, daughter of Thomas Hughes, Sr.,
married Colonel William Lowther, who settled on Hughes' River, and was a
pioneer in Northwestern Virginia, and active in the protection of the settlers
from the attacks of the Indians.
JOB HUGHES -History of this son not known
to me. He married Mary Hamm, 1791, in
Harrison County, (West) Virginia. Died
and was buried in Jackson County, now West Virginia.
ANOTHER SON was killed by the
Indians. His name is not known, nor can
it at this time be determined where or when the tragedy occurred, but it must
have been on the western waters.
ANOTHER DAUGHTER, name not known to me,
was married to Joseph Bibbee, who settled on the Ohio River below the present town
of Ravenswood, in what is now Jackson County, West Virginia.
A marriage license was granted in Harrison
County, Virginia, in 1795, to William Bibby and Deborah Hughes. William was a brother of Joseph Bibbee;
Deborah may have been the daughter of
Thomas
Hughes, Sr. Tradition among the
descendants of William Bibby, or Bibbee, in Jackson County, West Virginia, says
that the Bibbee brothers either married sisters or cousins. William Bibbee was a noted hunter and killed
the last buffalo in now Jackson County, West Virginia.
In the same year (1795) Benjamin Cox and
Mary Hughes were married in Harrison County, Virginia.
DESCENDANTS OF JESSE
HUGHES.
MARTHA, born in December, 1773, captured
by the Indians, December, 1787; returned from captivity, December, 1790;
married Jacob Bonnett in 1792, a brother to John Bonnett who was killed on the
Little Kanawha, and lived all her life near West's Fort, now Jane Lew, just
below the main road and opposite the present Methodist Episcopal Church, where
she died in December, 1834, and was buried at the old Harmony Church Cemetery
on Hacker's Creek. Her grave is marked
by a plain sandstone slab, on which is the following inscription:
MARTHA, DAUGHTER OF JESSE HUGHES
BORN DECEMBER, 1773
MADE PRISONER BY THE INDIANS DEC.,
1787
RETURNED FROM CAPTIVITY, 1790
MARRIED JACOB BONNETT, 1792
DIED DEC., 1834
AGED 61 YEARS.
Martha left a long line of descendants on
Hacker's Creek. Some of the best families of the valley, including the Bonnetts
and the Alkires. To the late Elias
Bonnett, a grandson of Martha,
and to his son, Henry G. Bonnett, I am especially indebted for some of the
incidents in the life of Jesse Hughes.
RACHEL, married William Cottrell; lived
on Hacker's Creek near the mouth of Life's Run until the death of her husband,
when she moved to Spring Creek, six miles from Spencer, Roane County, West
Virginia, where she died; buried near Spencer.
The old Cottrell cabin of hewed logs is still standing on Hacker's
Creek, just below the pike, and near the bridge spanning the creek, on the road
leading up Life's Run.
SUDNA, married Elijah Runner; lived and
died near Sandyville on Big Sand Creek, Jackson County, West Virginia.
ELIZABETH, married James Stanley; lived
and died on Mud Run, a tributary of Big Sand Creek, Jackson County, West
Virginia.
MASSIE, born on Hacker's Creek, in 1786
or 1787; married Uriah Gandee; lived for a time near Sandyville, Jackson
County; in 1824 moved to where Gandeeville now is in Roane County, West Virginia;
her husband died in 1855, when she went to live with her son, J. S. Gandee,
where she resided until her death, May 30, 1883. She was buried on the home farm near Gandeeville.
NANCY AGNES, married George W. Hanshaw;
lived at the mouth of Turkey Run, above
Ravenswood; later moved above the mouth of Straight Fork on Big Sand Creek,
Jackson County.
LOURANEY, married Uriah Sayre; lived at
the mouth of Groundhog Run, on the Ohio River, in Meigs County, Ohio.
THOMAS, lived on the Ohio River below
Ravenswood, where he died. I do not
know who he married.
WILLIAM, married a Miss Statts; lived and
died on Mill Creek, three miles below Ripley, in what is now Jackson County, West
Virginia.
JESSE, married Susana Mock in 1800. His history is unknown to me.
The above are the children of Jesse
Hughes, the scout, ranger, pioneer, and famous Indian fighter.
It
is said that in size, features and complexion, William Hughes was almost an
exact counterpart of his noted father.
Massie, the daughter of Jesse Hughes, who
married Uriah Gandee, had twelve children, to wit: Sarah, Jesse, William, George,
Cynthia, Grace, Lucinda, Samuel, Mary (who died when nine years
old), a child unnamed that died in infancy, Martha, and James Stanley. Of this family ten lived to maturity; but
two are now living: Samuel, born February 24, 1824, and James Stanley, born July
27, 1832.
The Gandee children, like those of many
other post-pioneer families of Northwestern Virginia, were reared in the woods without
the advantages of education. James
Stanley, the youngest,
named for the husband of his Aunt Elizabeth, did not attend school more than
ninety days all told. He learned to write,
and the rudiments of arithmetic, after his first marriage. He was
married twice, and true to the traditions of his forest clan, reared many
children to the honor of his country -twenty-one in all- eighteen of whom are
still living. Mr. Gandee has filled
many positions of trust in his county, from constable to high sheriff, and was
for several years president of his township Board of Education. He laid out the town of Gandeeville on the
old home farm in Roane County, West Virginia.
To Mr. Gandee, more than any other person,
am I indebted for facts and incidents connected with the life of Jesse Hughes. Pertaining
to genealogy and family history, Mr. Gandee is the best
informed of any of the immediate descendants of the celebrated scout. His opportunity for obtaining data regarding
the biography of his grandfather was, perhaps, unsurpassed, by any
person now living. His grandmother made
her home with his parents from 1827 until her death, January 1842, and his
mother resided with him during the last quarter century of her life.
DESCENDANTS OF ELIAS HUGHES.
ELIAS HUGHES Married Miss Jane Sleeth. I am unable to give the names of their
children in the order of their ages, but will set them down as furnished by
Mrs. Pansy Hall Thatcher, a descendant
of Elias Hughes. The names are as
follows:
Margaret (married Jones), Mary (married Foster),
Susanna (married Leach), Sudna (married Marlin), Jane (married Hight) Sarah
(married Davis), Kate (unmarried), Thomas, Henry, Job, Elias,
David, John and Jonathan (the youngest).
Two others died while quite young.
Mrs. L. Bancroft Fant, of Newark, Ohio,
writes me that one daughter married ------ Ratliff.
Records in the U. S. Treasury Department
show that the pension due Elias Hughes at the time of his death was paid to his
children as follows: Susanna Leach, Margaret Jones, Sarah Davis, John, Elias
and Jonathan Hughes, and Sudna Marlin.
JONATHAN HUGHES was born January 14,
1796, in Harrison County, Virginia, and came with his parents to Ohio in
1798. In 1815 he was apprenticed to a
carpenter and joiner in Mt. Vernon, Ohio. On June 9th, 1817, he married Lavina Davis,
who was born June 14th, 1800. They had
five children: Clarinda, born December 7th, 1818; Louisa, born November 17th,
1820; James M., born March 31, 1827; Adaline N., born December 7th, 1829. James moved to Indiana.
Jonathan Hughes "never drank whiskey
as a beverage, never tasted tobacco but once, never smoked a cigar, never voted
the Democratic ticket but once, and that was for Jackson. Mr. Hughes is a strong prohibitionist."
Elias Hughes survived his two noted
brothers, Jesse and Thomas, several years, and was among the last of the
Virginia frontiersmen. As a scout, he
excelled in some respects either of his two brothers. He rose to the rank of
captain and was the recognized champion rifle shot on the western waters. Like many of his contemporaries, the border
annals contain but little of his early life.
Withers mentions him in connection with four incidents only; three of
these are quoted in the preceding pages of this volume, and the other will be
given in the course of this sketch.
More is known of his subsequent life in Ohio, where he moved soon after
the Treaty of Greenville.
In many instances historians have dealt
confusedly with his personality. I have
had occasion to mention that while his given name was Elias he was generally known
as "Ellis." Under this double sobriquet he went through life to the
grave and passed into history. For even
a vague conception of the deeds of this great borderman, various historical
works must be consulted, where the reader becomes mystified by this diversity
in his name. Owing to these conditions,
it has been deemed desirable to reproduce here in a concise form, all that
could be gathered concerning his life.
Lewis says:
"Belonging to General Lewis' army
was a young man named Ellis Hughes. He was
a native of Virginia, and had been bred in the hot-bed of Indian warfare. The Indians having murdered a young lady to
whom he was very much attached, and subsequently his father, he vowed revenge,
and the return of peace did not mitigate his hatred of the race. Shortly after Wayne's treaty with the
Indians in 1795, he forsook his native mountains, and in company with one John
Ratcliff removed north of the Ohio, where they became the first settlers in
what is now Licking County, in that State.
Hughes died near Utica, that County, in March, 1845, at an advanced age,
in hope of a happy future, claiming and accredited by all who knew him, to be
the last survivor of the battle of Point Pleasant. He was buried with military honors and other demonstrations of
respect."
The following paragraph is found in
connection with the Battle of Point Pleasant:
"The admittedly last survivor of
those who personally participated in this memorable fight was Mr. Ellis Hughes,
one of the remarkable family of border settlers and Indian fighters of that
name. After Wayne's treaty, he and a neighbor,
Radcliff, removed to Ohio, and were the first to settle in (now) Licking
County. Hughes died in 1845, near
Utica, aged in the nineties."
THE LAST SURVIVOR.
"It is admitted by all that the last
survivor of the battle of Point Pleasant was Ellis Hughes, who died at Utica,
Ohio, in 1840, aged over ninety years."
The Last Survivor of the Battle of
Point Pleasant.
"The assertion has been made, and I
have never heard it disputed, that the last survivor of the battle of Point
Pleasant was Ellis Hughes who died in 1840, at Utica, Ohio. This is clearly a mistake. There was certainly a soldier in that battle
who survived Ellis Hughes several years, and who died in February, 1848, in
that portion of Randolph County which became Tucker County in 1856.
"Samuel Bonnifield was born April
11, 1752, where Washington City now stands.
"In the summer of 1774 Samuel
Bonnifield went on a visit to Fauquier County, Virginia. At that time Governor Dunmore was preparing
for a campaign against the Indians in Ohio, and Bonnifield joined the army,
although he was not a citizen of
Virginia. When the march began for the
west, he found himself under General Lewis.
They marched to Lewisburg in Greenbrier County. Here Bonnifield first
met Isaac Shelby, with whom he formed an intimate acquaintance, and of
whom he afterwards frequently spoke.
The army proceeded to the mouth of the
Gauley, and from that point a portion made canoes and went by water to
the Ohio. Among these was
Bonnifield. His reminiscences of the
battle of October 10, contain a few minor details which I have never seen published. He relates that he and Isaac
Shelby were behind the same log, and had, for some time, been trying to
discover the spot from which occasional bullets had been coming which apparently
had been fired at them whenever they showed themselves. Finally Bonnifield
made the discovery; but at that moment his gun was empty, and he therefore
pointed out the head and face of an Indian some fifty yards distant, protruding
from behind a log. Shelby took careful
aim, fired, and when the Indians yielded ground shortly after, they found the
warrior lying behind the log, shot through the head.
"None of the published accounts of the
battle which I have seen mention the fact that the retreating Indians were
observed while in the act of crossing the
Ohio. Bonnifield speaks
particularly of seeing them crossing in large numbers. To him the sight seems to have furnished
amusement; for he related with much merriment how a dozen or more Indians would
set out from shore on a single log, how the log would roll and careen despite
their efforts to steady it; how one by one they would fall off, and strike out
swimming for the Ohio shore, while the log perhaps would float away without a
passenger."
"Ellis" Hughes, of the
foregoing citations, and Elias Hughes, the scout, were one and the same
person. In the Census of Monongalia
County, Virginia, 1782, he is listed as Elias Hughes
at the head of a family of five. In the
Census of Harrison County, Virginia, 1785, he appears as Ellis Hughes at the
head of a family of six. Both
enumerations included parents.
Elias Hughes came early to the western
waters. The record of homestead entries
in Monongalia County, 1781, shows that he was granted "400 acres on West
Fork [river] adjoining lands of James Tanner, to include his improvement made
in 1770." He assisted in the building
of Nutter's Fort and was closely identified with the border wars, which
intervened from the Battle of Point Pleasant to the Treaty of Greenville. We get a glimpse of his career during this
period, from the evidence which he submitted with his claim for pension as a
Revolutionary soldier, heretofore unpublished.
In his deposition, executed August 23,
1832, he states that as near as he could recollect he was then about
seventy-five years old. He entered the
service at the commencement of the war,
and was commissioned a captain of spies under Col. Benjamin Wilson, and served
as such for about two years. Col. Lowther
then took command, and he was under him with the rank of captain for over a
year; when it appears that Col. Lowther left the service. Hughes was under the impression that the
colonel resigned, but was not positive.
Col. George Jackson then took command
of the scouts and Hughes continued in service until the close of the war.
Hughes states that when Col. Jackson
assumed command, owing to some new arrangement in the disposition of the Indian
spies, he did not retain his commission as captain. According to the then
regulation, the services of the spies were no longer required in
companies. They were separated in
bodies of two, and boundaries assigned over which they were to scout. They met at certain
points, reported their observations and carried any appearance of the enemy to
the nearest stations.
In his petition, Hughes was vouched for
by Jacob Riley and Stephen McDougal, but he was not granted a pension.
In 1834, Hughes made a second
declaration, which is so fraught with historic interest that I give it in full:
"THE
STATE OF OHIO
LICKING
COUNTY
"Personally appeared before me, the undersigned,
a Justice of the Peace within and for the County aforesaid, Elias Hughes, who
being duly sworn deposeth and saith that by reason of old age and consequently
loss of memory, he cannot minutely enter into a detail of his services in the
Revolutionary War. Deponent saith,
however, without fear of contradiction, that he served as a ranger and spy during
the whole of the Revolutionary War, from the year 1775 to the year 1783, and
also prior and subsequently thereto, that his first engagement against the Indians
was at the battle of Point Pleasant on the Big Kanhawa in the year 1774, that
his last services were performed in the year of Wayne's treaty with the Indians,
in the year 1795 (as he thinks), in the neighborhood of Buchannon against a
party of 22 Indians by pursuing them and giving the alarm to the settlement -
that said Indians succeeded in getting off with Mrs. Bozarth (wife of John
Bozarth) and two of the children as prisoners, who were delivered up to General
Wayne after the treaty.
"Deponent saith that after the
declaration of war in 1775, he volunteered in the service in the Virginia
States troops (he thinks), under one Captain James Booth under whom, to the
best of his recollection, he continued to serve up to the year (in the spring)
of 1778, when his father Thomas was killed by the Indians on Hacker's Creek,
Va. Deponent states that about that
time one Stephen Ratcliff or Ratlift who held a commission as Captain (under
Col. or Major Lowther)
left the service and went back on to the south Branch of the Potomac. Deponent
saith that he was then commissioned by Col.
Benjamin Wilson as a captain to supply the vacancy occasioned by reason
of the said Ratcliff leaving the service.
Deponent states he well recollects that his commission was printed but
by whom it was signed he cannot say, but under the impression that it was signed
by the Gov. of Va. Deponent states as
he has before stated in his original declaration that he served not less than
three years as captain of the Rangers or spies, that he may perhaps be mistaken
(from the great length of time which has elapsed and from loss of memory which
he is sensible has failed him very materially), in the order and disposition of
arranging Col. Benj. Wilson and Col. Wm. Lowther as officers of the Rev. at the time
he was so engaged and serving under them as aforesaid, he is, however,
satisfied that they were the two principal leaders in the commencement of the
Revolution in West Augusta Co., Va., and whether they did or did not at that
time hold commissions under the Government as Col. or Major he cannot say
positively (they have at least subsequently acquired those titles); he is
satisfied however that they either assumed or had in fact such authority
delegated to them by the Government that they took upon themselves the
organization and disposition of the troops in that section of the country and
of paying off the soldiers, recommending the appointment of officers, etc., and
that he did in fact hold a commission and served
as a captain in the Rev. for not less than three years as before stated. (Deponent states on having his memory
refreshed that he is mistaken in saying (as stated in his original declaration)
that he was commissioned as captain at the commencement of the War, that it was
not until the spring of 1778 (as he thinks).
"Deponent states that from his
youth, he always had a fondness for his gun and that his principal occupation
was that of hunting from the time he was able to carry a gun up to the time of
the Rev., that a number of years before the time of the Rev. (does not
recollect the year) he removed with his father in the neighborhood of
Clarksburg, Va., together with several other families, John Hacker, Wm. Hacker, Samuel Pringle, Wm. Ratcliff, John
Cutright & John Hacker with their families, that on the breaking out of
war, his services being required, he of choice volunteered his services as he
has before stated, that his name is mentioned in the Border Warfare, a work
published by Alex. Withers, at Clarksburg,
1831, and in which a part of his services is detailed (though not generally or
particularly). Deponent states that his
services may be computed as follows, viz: as a private from the year 1775 up to
the year 1778, as a captain, from 1778 up to the year 1781, and from the year
1781 up to the year 1783 as a private. Deponent states he has sent on to Virginia
in order to prepare the testimony of witnesses who served with him and by whom
he expected to be able to prove his services both as a private and as captain
in the service, but in consequence of the death of Alexander West and the
absence of David Sleith, his most important witness, he has not been able to
establish his services as satisfactorily as he expected to be able to do. Deponent states positively from his own
know ledge that he has actually served as above stated, that he did service
faithfully during the whole of the Rev.
War without any interruption, and that he also served after the peace of
1783 up to the year of 1795. Deponent states
that he is unable to say whether he will be able to procure any further testimony
in regard to his services than that which is attached to his original declaration,
to wit, the testimony of Wm. Powers, Esq., and Jesse Lowther-that he does not
know at this time of any person living within his knowledge (except David
Sleith) whose testimony will be material.
Deponent states that for three years past, he has been entirely blind
and from his limited means he is unable to be at further expense in order to
establish his services. He hereby
proposes to submit to the Department his original and amended declaration with
the testimony accompanying the same with a view that the same may be acted upon
giving the department a discretionary power to grant him a pension as captain
or private, as the evidence in the case may in their discretion seem to
justify.
his
ELIAS X HUGHES
mark
"Sworn
and subscribed to Dec. 5, 1834.
M. M. CAFFER,
Justice of the Peace."
The foregoing declaration was followed by
several lengthy testimonies among them one from Tarah Curtis, a clergyman, all speaking
highly of Hughes as a man of veracity and whose statement
could be relied upon. Some of these
affidavits are of more than passing interest, of which a full synopsis is here given.
Under date of September 8, 1834, before
John Mitchell, J. P., William Powers, of Harrison County, Virginia, states that
he was then sixty-nine years old, and that he first became acquainted
with Elias Hughes in 1774 at the building of Nutter's Fort, near where the town
of Clarksburgh now is; that he thought Hughes was then seventeen years old, and
resided with his father at a place now called Westfield, in Lewis County,
Virginia. From that time to 1796, he
was more or less acquainted with Hughes, and for a portion of the time
participated with him in the scenes of warfare then going on between the whites
and Indians on the western frontier of Virginia.
Powers could not state from personal
knowledge of Hughes service from commencement of the Revolution, 1776 to 1783,
as he was not in the same company of spies, but frequently met him in
connection
with the discharge of his duties during that period. He states that he was
present at one time in the spring of 1781, when Colonel Lowther with sixteen
others, of whom Elias Hughes was of the number, returned to Clarksburgh with
five Indian scalps, a great quantity of plunder and two prisoners, whom they had
taken and rescued from the Indians.
Powers further states that after the peace between Great Britain and the
United States in 1783, the war with the Indians did not subside for a number of
years; consequently a force was necessary to be kept up for their mutual
defense against the Indians. He states
that by this means he and Elias Hughes were thrown together on numerous
occasions (from the year 1783 up to the year 1795), and he had an opportunity
of forming a pretty good opinion of the character of Hughes as an Indian
warrior; that he believes the country in those days did not contain a more
vigilant, brave and efficient soldier; that from all that he had seen and heard
of Elias Hughes, he was, when his services were needed to go on an expedition,
at all times ready to go at a moment's warning.
September 10, 1834, Jesse Lowther, before
John Davis, J. P. for Harrison County, Virginia, states that he was then
sixty-one years old; born in Harrison County, Virginia, where he resided ever
since, and was well acquainted with Elias Hughes from the time that he was
capable of knowing any person, and the most that he could relate respecting
said Hughes as an Indian warrior was information derived from his father,
William Lowther, and others; that during the Revolution he was too young to
participate in the scenes of warfare then going forward on the western frontier
of Virginia. Lowther states that he
well recollected at one time that Elias Hughes was engaged with his father,
William Lowther, then a Major, in March 1781, with fifteen others pursuing a
party of fourteen Indians, who were then retreating from Randolph County, where
they had been murdering and plundering a number of inhabitants. His father and other men pursued the Indians
from Arnold's Fort, sometimes called Lowther's Fort, to Indian Creek, a
tributary of Hughes River, where they overtook and killed five of the Indians
and returned with their scalps to said fort, having rescued two of the white
prisoners, Daugherty and Mrs. Roney,
whose son was accidentally killed during the attack on the Indians. Mr. Lowther well remembered that the plunder
taken from the Indians at that time, when shared to each man, amounted to l4 pounds
17s. 5d.; that amongst the plunder taken were nine guns, six silver half-moons,
one whole moon and one war club and spear, a number of "Tom Hawks"
and scalping knives, silver arm bands, earrings and nose jewelry, one cap
containing 44 silver broaches, a number of (as he thinks) Kowaknick pouches (of
otter skins) and paint bags.
Lowther states that as far back as his
recollection extends, and from information derived from his father and others,
Hughes was from the first among the foremost to go forth against the Indians
when his services were required, and understood that he was Captain of Spies,
but at what period he could not tell.
He further states that he has been at Hughes' house in Ohio since he left
Virginia, and is satisfied that he is the same identical Elias Hughes mentioned
in his original declaration made in Licking County, Ohio, August 23, 1832, now
here exhibited No. 4776.
Mr. Davis, justice, adds that Jesse
Lowther's statements are entitled to credit.
In an affidavit, February 25, 1842,
before John Moore, J. P., Licking County, Ohio, General Thomas W. Wilson, son
of Colonel Benjamin Wilson, deceased, who figured prominently in the border
wars of western Virginia, states that he was then 38 years old, and up to the
time he was twenty-two years of age he continued to reside with his father in
Harrison County, Virginia. He had
frequently heard his father relate many incidents relative to border warfare,
in which Elias Hughes played part. His
father always spoke of Hughes in the highest terms, as a brave and efficient
soldier and spy, and in whom he had the most implicit confidence; that from his
peculiar sagacity and knowledge of the Indian character combined with his
personal activity, Perseverance and bravery he ranked him amongst the foremost
of the Rangers and Spies of his day.
General Wilson stated that he had often
heard his father say and Spies in that Hughes was appointed Captain of the
Rangers in place of one Ratcliff, who was discharged, as he understood, on account of his cowardice; that
it was necessary for the safety of the country that said Ratcliff be removed, and
Hughes appointed in his place; that said Ratcliff was a careless, trifling, cowardly
dog and not to be depended upon. Hughes
received his appointment, as the General thought, on Sunday morning before daylight,
and started upon the scout and pursuit of Indians, and thought it was the same
trip that he returned with the scalps of seven
Indians.
The General had heard many circumstances
and anecdotes told of Hughes by those of his acquaintances, in relation to his encounters
and exploits among the Indians in the time of the Revolution,
and that from the character given him by all he was highly distinguished for
his bravery, and must have contributed much to the defense of the country
during the war of the Revolution.
The pursuit and defeat on Hughes River of
the warriors who desolated the Leading Creek settlement in 1781 had no parallel
on the western waters. The number of
Indians killed has been variously estimated.
Withers, as previously quoted, placed this loss at five, which number is
confirmed by the testimony of Jesse Lowther, Gen. Wilson, who got his
information from Col. Benjamin Wilson, states that the number slain was
seven. This tallies with the report of
John Cutright, who participated in the affair.
The Indians were so adroit in their movements, that they were seldom
anticipated, or punished in these border forays.
Comparatively few incidents in the
Virginia frontier life of Elias Hughes have been preserved. I am indebted to
Rev. Daniel G. Helmick for that which immediately follows:
Elias Hughes and one Brown, for whom
Brown's Creek in Harrison County, West Virginia, was named, were hunting in the
vicinity of Lost Creek near the West Fork River, when Hughes shot and
wounded an elk, which made off. There
was a rivalry between the two men as to their personal endurance; to settle
which it was agreed that they give chase until the game was overhauled, or one,
or both of the hunters ready to say "quit." They immediately started
at a swinging trot, but the proverb that a "stern chase is a long
chase" was to be amply verified.
Hour after hour went by with no let-up to that relentless trot.
The quarry was finally overhauled on
lower Turkey Run, or Peck's Run in (now) Upshur County. Hughes did not suffer materially from this
remarkable run; but not so with Brown.
The tendons
of his lower limbs were badly strained, which contracting into corded knots,
disabled him for several days.
The memory of Elias Hughes in later years
is inseparably connected with that of his kinsman and associate, John Ratcliff,
who accompanied him to Ohio. The
following biographical sketch of these two bordermen is by Isaac Smucker:
OUR PIONEERS
Capt. Elias Hughes and John Ratcliff.
1798.
"Elias Hughes and John Ratliff were
our first settlers, and closed their lives here, hence their names are as much
interwoven with the history of Licking County as is the name of General
Washington with the history of the United States, or as are the names of the
Presidents, Lincoln and General Grant, with the history of the late
rebellion. And to attempt the
production of a history of our country without making Hughes and Ratliff
prominent actors therein would manifestly issue in failure.
"Elias Hughes was born near the
South branch of the Potomac, a section of country which furnished Licking
County many of its early settlers and most useful citizens. His birth occurred sometime before
Braddock's defeat in 1755. Of his early
life little is known, until in 1774, we find him a soldier in the army of General
Lewis, engaged in the battle of Point Pleasant. Gen. Lewis, you are aware,
commanded the left wing of the army of Lord Dunmore, who was then Governor of
the Colony of Virginia, and successfully fought the distinguished Shawanese Chief,
Cornstalk, who had a large force of Indians under his command. One-fifth of
Lewis' command was killed or wounded, but Elias Hughes escaped unhurt in this hard
fought battle, which lasted an entire day.
At the time of his death, which occurred more than seventy years after
the battle, he was, and had been for years, the last survivor of that
sanguinary conflict.
"We next find Hughes a resident of
Harrison County, in Western Virginia, where his chief employment, during the 21
years that intervened between the battle of Point Pleasant and the treaty of
Greenville in 1795, was that of a scout or spy, on the frontier settlements
near to or bordering on the Ohio River. This service, which was a labor of love
with him, he rendered at the instance of his State and of the border settlers
that had been for a long time greatly harassed
by the Indians, who had murdered many of the whites on the frontiers, their
women and children included, under circumstances of atrocity but seldom paralleled. Hughes' father and others of his kindred,
and also a young woman to whom he was betrothed, had been massacred by
them. These acts of atrocious barbarity
made him ever after an unrelenting and merciless enemy of the whole race of Red
Skins, and in retaliation for their numerous butcheries his deadly rifle
was brought to bear fatally upon many of their number in after years. It is but an act of simple justice to the
memory of this veteran pioneer, who was well known as an Indian hater, and an
Indian killer, that the provocations he had, be fully presented, and properly
understood. Born and raised on the frontiers,
among a rude and unlettered people, and untaught and wholly uncultivated and
unenlightened as he was, it is not surprising that, under all these
circumstances, considering, too, the horrid aggravation he had, he should have
given rather full play to strong and malignant passions, and that he should have
cherished, even to old age, the harsher and more revengeful feelings of his nature. His vindictiveness or sense of justice led
him to keep accounts about balanced between the whole race of red men and
himself. This he did fully, so long as
the Indians maintained a hostile attitude towards the whites-perhaps a little
longer. He owed them nothing at the
final settlement.
"The treaty of Greenville, commonly
called 'Wayne's Treaty,' made and ratified in 1795, terminated Indian
hostilities, or rather the defeat of the Indians the previous year, by General
Wayne, in the battle of the 'Fallen Timbers,' near the rapids of the Maumee,
brought about that result, and hence scouts were no longer required. Elias Hughes, like the Moor in Shakespeare,
when he reached the conviction that 'Othello's occupation's gone,' now finding
his services
as a scout no longer in demand, surrendered his commission of Captain of scouts,
and directed his attention to more pacific and less hazardous pursuits. And
here it may be stated that he had been commissioned by that distinguished frontiersman,
Col. Ben Wilson, the father of our
fellow citizen, Daniel Wilson, and of the late Mrs. Dr. John J. Brice, as a
captain of scouts.
"In 1796 Hughes entered the service,
as a hunter, of a surveying party, who were about to engage in running the
range lines of lands lying in part, in what is now Licking County. The fine bottoms of the Licking were thus
brought to his notice, and he resolved to leave his mountain home in the 'Old
Dominion,' and locate himself and family on the uncultivated and more fertile
lands of the Licking Valley, beyond the white settlements. Accordingly, in the spring of 1797, he
gathered together his limited effects, and with his wife and twelve children
started for the mouth of the Licking, most of them going on foot, and the
remainder on pack horses. This point
had been made accessible to footmen and horseback travelers by the location and
opening in the year before, by Zane and others, the road from Wheeling to
Maysville; and also of a road previously cut out from Marietta up the Muskingum
River. John Ratliff, who was a nephew
of Hughes, came with his wife and four children, with the latter, and in the
same manner
to the mouth of the Licking. Here they
remained one year, and in the spring of 1798, both families, numbering
twenty-one persons, moved in the same style to the 'Bowling Green,' twenty miles
up the Licking from its mouth, and there made the first permanent white
settlement in the territory now forming Licking County. They erected their cabins near the mouth of
the Bowling Green Run, about four miles below Newark, on the banks of the
Licking, and about half a mile,
or less, apart. They found the 'Bowling
Green' a level, unlimbered green lawn or prairie, and they at once proceeded to
raise a crop of corn. Whether the 'Bowling
Green' was a natural prairie, or had been cleared by the Indians or some white
persons, remains an unsettled question.
The nearest neighbors of Hughes and Ratliff, for two years, lived about
ten miles down the Licking, one of whom was Philip Barrick, who, in 1801, moved
up the valley and located near the 'Licking Narrows.'
"The Hughes and Ratliff colony
subsisted mainly on the meat of the wild animals of the forest, and on the fish
caught and 'gigged' in the Licking, although a considerable crop of vegetables
and corn was raised the first and subsequent years. The elk and buffalo had disappeared, but bear, deer, wild turkeys
and a great variety of the smaller game, as well as fish, were in such abundance
as to supply the full demands of these early settlers. Berries, wild fruits, nuts and other
spontaneous productions of the earth also contributed for many years, in no
inconsiderable degree, to the subsistence of the pioneer settlers.
"Ratliff, in some particulars, was a
different style of man from Hughes. He was
much more given to the peaceful avocations of life, and for one reared on the frontiers,
had not been largely engaged in border warfare; although he as well as Hughes,
was considerably devoted to the chase, to fishing, trapping, bee hunting, as
well as to the pursuit of the ferocious animals of the forest, and the birds of
prey that tenanted this wilderness.
"In 1799, a son was born to Elias
Hughes, and he was the only accession to the Bowling Green colony in that year.
"In the year 1801, an event of no
inconsiderable importance transpired at the 'Bowling Green.' Two Indians came
along one night and stole four horses. They
belonged to Elias Hughes, John Ratliff, John Weedman, a recent emigrant (from
Pennsylvania), and a Mr. Bland, who lived at the mouth of the Licking, but who
was at that time visiting Hughes. In
the morning after the horses were stolen, their owners determined to pursue and
kill the thieves, feeling assured that
they were Indians. Weedman backed out,
but Hughes, Ratliff and Bland, being well armed, started in pursuit. They were enabled to follow the trail,
readily tracking them through the grass and weeds. Overtaking them on Owl Creek, they shot them. Bland's flint did not strike fire, but
Hughes' and Ratliff's did, and those Indians stole no more horses. When the Indians were overtaken and it was evident
that the horses would be recovered, Bland and Ratliff relented, and feeling
less sanguinary than when they started on the pursuit, they suggested to Hughes
to let the thieves escape, after the horses were obtained, but the latter was
not that style of man. He negatived
their proposition in such emphatic terms, and in use of such forcible
expletives of the profane order as were common among frontiersmen in those
days, as to soon bring them to the determination with which they set out. When Hughes said a thing must be done, and
he could do it, or cause it to be done, it was done. This was one of the cases--he had his way-they had agreed to kill
the Indian horse thieves--and they did.
Hughes knew them and
believed them to have been engaged in stealing horses and then returning them to
their owners for a compensation in skins and furs.
"This sanguinary transaction
necessitated the erection of a blockhouse on the 'Bowling Green' as a means of
protection against the infuriated friends of the defunct horse thieves, who
were greatly incensed against those they suspected of killing them, but it
never became necessary to defend it, the Indians finally deciding it
inexpedient to assault it. One evening,
however, after the excitement had nearly subsided, two well armed Indians
entered Hughes' cabin, and in a menacing manner introduced the subject of
killing those Indians. Mrs. Hughes
seeing that trouble might be had with their visitors, quietly sent for Ratliff,
who readily responded, rifle in hand.
Hughes, in those days always carried a butcher knife in his belt, and he
also had a rifle at hand. Bloody work
seemed imminent, but the Indians, after remaining face to face with those veteran
back-woodsmen all night, sometimes in rather spirited discussion, deemed it
wise, in the early morning, to retire without any hostile act.
"In 1802, Elias Hughes was elected
captain of the first company of militia raised within the present limits of our
county. This company he commanded a number
of years. They had to go to Lancaster
to attend battalion drills. Captain
Hughes had four children born to him after he settled at the 'Bowling Green,'
making the sum total of his children sixteen.
Jonathan is the only one of the Sixteen now living in Licking
County. He was born in Harrison County,
Virginia, in 1796, was brought to the mouth of Licking in 1797, and was two
years old at the time of his father's removal in 1798 to the 'Bowling Green.'
The older children had to walk, on their removal up the Licking, but Jonathan
and his brother David (who also was too young to walk), were brought up in a
salt sack thrown across a horse.
Jonathan was put in one end of the sack and David in the other, openings
being first cut in the sack for their heads to go through. The sack was then slung across the pack
saddled horse, and a rider or two, with the other
loading, put upon him and then started for the 'Bowling Green,' while the others
walked or came up in a canoe. It would, indeed, be an interesting picture
that gave us, on canvas, an accurate view of this original colony of emigrants
while in motion. Jonathan,the salt sack
boy of 1798, is now more than seventy-six years old, and is the oldest settler
of our county - emphatically, our Pioneer.
"Ratliff's wife died in 1802, and
was probably the first white adult person that died within the present limits
of our county. Ratliff married again,
his second wife being the daughter of a pioneer by the name of Stateler, who
lived near the mouth of the Rocky Fork.
He also raised a considerable family but none of them now live, if
living at all, in our county. He had a
son in the army during the War of 1812, who, after his return from the army,
removed to Louisiana. He also had a
daughter, Mary, who intermarried with a Mr. Evans. Some of the issue of this
marriage, being grandchildren of John Ratliff, are still living in our county,
principally, I learn, in Perry Township.
"Ratliff finally removed to the
south side of the Licking near the mouth of the Brushy Fork, where he died
about the year 1811. He, no more than Hughes, seems to have had much success in
the acquisition of property. Indeed, it
is not probable that either of them ever had much ambition in that direction.
"Capt. Elias Hughes, on all other subjects except Indian warfare, was generally
of a taciturn disposition, but he was fond of relating his exploits and successes
as a scout; sitting up whole nights, sometimes, to relate to willing interested
listeners his hair-breadth escapes and adventures, and the thrilling stories,
heroic acts and deeds of renown in which he had borne a part. He was unassuming, temperate, honest,
mild-mannered, unpretending, unambitious, but firm, determined, unyielding, and
some thought him vindictive. When he
resolved on a certain line of conduct he commonly pursued it to success, or
failed only after a vigorous effort.
Fond of adventure, he displayed in border warfare, in battle, in pursuit
of Indians, and in explorations of new countries, and in the pioneer settlement
of them, the energy, bravery, self-sacrificing virtues, that so conspicuously
distinguished the early pioneers of the Great West.
"In the War of 1812, Capt. Hughes,
notwithstanding his age, volunteered for the defense of Fort Meigs. On the formation of a company for that
service, he was elected to conduct the men to headquarters at Worthington for
organization. At the election of company officers he was made a Lieutenant, the
late General John Spencer being elected Captain. He was patriotic to the core and so were his sons, not less than
three of them being engaged in the same war.
One of them contracted disease while in the service of his country, of
which he died.
"Elias Hughes lived many years on
the North Fork, a few miles above Newark, and also for several years at
Clinton, in Knox County, from whence he removed to Monroe Township, near
Johnston. Here, in 1827, Mrs. Hughes
died. She had the qualities which admirably
adapted her to discharge the duties of a pioneer wife and mother. Her training had been in the Presbyterian
faith, and the instruction to her children was in accord with it. Upon her death, most of his children having
married and removed from the county, Capt.
Hughes became a welcome inmate of the house of his son, Jonathan, who
lived in Utica. He, you remember, was introduced
to you as the salt sack emigrant of 1798.
"For many years Capt. Hughes was a
pensioner, regularly receiving from his beneficent government the means to
enable him to spend his declining years in the full enjoyment of all the
blessings of life, kindly ministered unto by Jonathan and his family, with whom
he spent the last seventeen years of his life.
"Capt. Hughes was the subject of
more varied vicissitudes, adverse fortunes and experiences more diversified
than usually fall to the lot of man, but he met them in the heroic spirit of
those who are determined to encounter them successfully, and meet the stern
realities of life like men. Enduring as
he did, for the last sixteen years of his life, the terrible affliction of
total blindness, he was, of course, deprived of the enjoyment afforded by views
of the glory and grandeur of the Creator's works, but he was resigned to this
afflictive dispensation
of Providence, feeling disposed to endure all meekly, calmly, patiently, and to
trustingly, hopefully 'bide his time.'
"In his declining years his
attention was directed to religious subjects to which he gave much thoughtful
and serious consideration, and for many years he cherished the cheering hopes
of a happy future inspired alone by the Christian's faith. He died in December, 1844, and was buried
with military honors and other demonstrations of respect. His age is not certainly known, but the best
information obtainable makes him at the time of his death about ninety years
old.
"Such was the life and, career, thus
imperfectly sketched, of one of the most remarkable men that ever lived in our
county. His was a life full of
privations, adventures, hardships, toils, exposures, excitements, anxieties - a
life providentially preserved through so many years of constant peril, and of exposures
to unusual to hazards and dangers. It
is one of our chief duties, as a Pioneer Society, to preserve from the oblivion
the recollection of the heroic deeds and achievements of our pioneer settlers, and to keep fresh and
green in our memories, and in the memories of those who are to come after us,
the sufferings and noble deeds of the self-sacrificing men and women who first settled
in these forests, erected cabins, cleared
the land, and converted the wilderness into fruitful fields, and made
comfortable and pleasant homes for their descendants, the men and women of the
present generation. And none of all the
meritorious pioneers of our county are better entitled to this service at our hands
than Capt. Elias Hughes and John
Ratliff, and their wives and children, who composed the colony of twenty-one that
made the first settlement in the territory that now forms Licking County."
"In 1820 an Indian squaw of the
Stockbridge tribe was shot near the county line, between Utica and
Martinsburgh. She was taken to Mt. Vernon where she died. One McLane shot her, and was sent to the
penitentiary for it. He and four others
named McDaniel, Evans, Chadwick, and Hughes (not Elias) were engaged in chopping,
when this squaw and others of the tribe came along and camped near them. The diabolical proposition was made and
accepted that they should play cards,
and that the loser should shoot her.
McLane was the loser, and did the shooting. His confederates, or at least some of them, were tried and
acquitted. In Norton's History of Knox
County it is stated that 'Hughes shot this squaw, simply to gratify his hatred
of the Indian race.' How an intelligent man, writing history could justify
himself for making such a gross mistake, regarding a matter on which he could
easily get correct information from a thousand residents of this county and of
Knox, it is hard to conceive. Elias
Hughes had neither part nor lot
in the matter, directly or remotely, but condemned the outrage in unmeasured
terms. He was not guilty, and this
emphatic denial is deemed an act of simple justice to Mr. Hughes."
Howe says Licking County, Ohio,
"was first settled, shortly after
Wayne's treaty of 1795, by John Ratliff and Ellis Hughes, in some old Indian
cornfields, about five miles below Newark, on the Licking. These men were from Western Virginia. They lived mainly by hunting, raising,
however, a little corn, the cultivation of which was left, in a great measure,
to their wives."
Howe gives the following account of the
shooting of the Indian horse thieves:
"Hughes had been bred in the hot-bed of lndian warfare. The Indians having, at an early day,
murdered a young woman to whom he was attached, and subsequently his father,
the return of peace did not mitigate his hatred of the race. One night, in April, 1800, two Indians stole
the horses of Hughes and Ratliff from a little enclosure near their
cabins. Missing them in the morning, they
started off, well armed, in pursuit, accompanied by a man named Bland. They followed
their trail in a northern direction all day, and at night camped in the woods. At the gray of the morning they came upon
the Indians, who were asleep and unconscious of danger. Concealing themselves behind the trees they
waited until the Indians had awakened, and were commencing preparations for
their journey. They drew up their
rifles to shoot, and just at that moment one of the Indians discovered them,
and instinctively clapping his hand on his breast, as if to ward off the fatal
ball, exclaimed in tones of affright, 'me bad Indian! - me no do
so more!' The appeal was in vain, the smoke curled from the glistening barrels,
the report rang in the morning air, and the poor Indians fell dead. They returned to their cabins with the horses
and 'plunder' taken from the Indians, and swore mutual secrecy for this
violation of law.
"One evening, some time after,
Hughes was quietly sitting in his cabin, when he was startled by the entrance
of two powerful and well-armed savages. Concealing his emotions, he gave them a welcome and offered them
seats. His wife, a muscular, squaw-like
looking female, stepped aside and privately sent for Ratliff, whose cabin was
near. Presently Ratliff, who had made a
detour, entered with his rifle, from an opposite direction, as if he had been
out hunting. He found Hughes talking with the Indians
about the murder. Hughes had his
tomahawk and scalping-knife, as was his custom, in a belt around his person, but
his rifle hung from the cabin wall, which he deemed it imprudent to attempt to
obtain. There all the long night sat
the parties, mutually fearing each other, and neither summoning sufficient
courage to stir. When morning dawned
the Indians left, shaking hands and bidding farewell, but in their retreat,
were very cautious not to be shot in ambush by the hardy borderers.
"Hughes died near Utica, in this
county, in March, 1845, at an advanced age, in the hope of a happy future. His
early life had been one of much adventure; he was, it is supposed, the last
survivor of the bloody battle of Point Pleasant. He was buried with military
honors and other demonstrations of respect."
This
was Elias Hughes of border fame.
The pursuit and shooting of the Indian
horse thieves by Hughes, "Jack" Ratliff and Bland, is given by Norton
and is practically the same as Howe's version, but not so elaborate, and closes
with this statement:
"Our old townsman, Wm. Mofford, informs us that when improving his
farm on Mile Run, Wayne Township, he was clearing off ground on which to build
his house, and he then plowed up the two Indians killed by Hughes, and also a
rusty gun barrel, brass guard and other pieces of a gun, which had not decayed.
This was in 1835, and Jacob Mitchel now (1862) has the old relics.
"George Conkie gathered up the bones
and buried them, and the house was built on the spot-the old Peck Place on Mile
Run bottom, where Mrs. Acre now lives.
In early days there was a favorite camping ground for the Indians, about
where these Indians were killed."
Norton states that Hughes died in March,
1845.
Among the Draper Manuscripts are the following communications from Col. Robert
Davidson, in response to inquiries from Dr. Draper. They are here published for the first time.
"NEWARK,
10th March, 1850.
"MR. LYMAN C. DRAPER.
"DEAR
SIR, Yours of 23d Nov last to Mr. William Van Buskirk requesting information as
to the adventures of his father John Vanbuskirk and others in the border
warefare
along the Ohio River at an early day has been handed the subscriber (as an old
acquaintance of his fathers) by Mr. Wm.
Buskirk to reply thereto. Last
week I placed in the postoffice directed to you the Granville Intelligencer
containing a detailed report of the desperate conflict of Adam Poe, his
brother Andrew, and others with the
gigantic Indean, Bigfoot, and brothers, five in all July 1782 and next week
look for the Newark Gazett of this place containing some notes of the
adventures of Jno Van Buskirk written and published for your convenience and to
do some justice to the memory of a very worthy man wom I always esteemed as one
of the fronteere defenders when I was too young to defend my self.
"If you shall desire it, I can send
you a more detailed account of Elias Hughes who at the age of 18 was in the
battl at Point Pleasant October 10th, 1774 and continued from that, employed in
hunting, spying, and killing Indeans until after Gen. Wains Treaty 1794 [1795].
"You will pleas excuse my friend
Wm. Buskirk in not writing you. In the first place he thought the
information would come with a better grace from one of the early aquantances of
his father than from him He is a fine
young man but reluctant to write would rather attend his saw mill a day than
write an hour. If you shall wish for
any more on the subject the border wariors write to him.
Very respectfully
yours, &c
ROBT. DAVIDSON.
Mr.
Lyman C. Draper Esq
Leverington
Philadelphia County, Pa."
"NEWARK, February 22, 1851
"I wrote some time past to know of
jonathan Hughes where his father was born and to what religious denomination he
entered But have not yet heard from him I presume he has been from home or by
other means has not received my letter.
As to Elias Hughes, it is something uncertain but he considered himself
18 [years] of age when in the battle of Point pleasant, Mouth of Kanawa, under
Colo. Lewis - I am not positive as to
the Religious denomination to which he inclined but think it was to the
Methodist Episcopal Church. His
daughter in law Mrs. Jonathan
Hughes was my informant as to his vengeance disposition not long after his
death I was then (in addition to what I knew) endeavoring to collect more knoledge
of his life and adventures for the purpose of writing the obituary notice which
soon after appeared in the Newark Advocate which I sent last year.
"When I saw Gen. Thomas Wedsday last, he enformed me that he
would [be]in Philadelphia this winter and that he intended to do himself
pleasure of calling upon you-
"If I shall soon hear from Mr.
Jonathan Hughes I shall write again I should have remarked on the other side
that I think Elias Hughes was born on the South branch of Potomac Va. and that
his father at an early day moved thence to Harrison county, Va. and there was
held [killed] by the Indeans.
"Although I have been acquainted
with Dr. Coulter many years I[t] was but lately I learned that he knew
any[thing] about Capt. Bready But have not the least of his statements
Very
respectfully yours &c
ROBT. DAVIDSON."
"N. B. Since writing the foregoing
Dr. Coulter informs me that he thinks Capt Bready was from 30 to 35 years of
age when he died.
Lyman
C. Draper Esq
Leverington
Philadelphia County, Pa."
"Died on the 22nd ult., Capt. Elias
Hughes, aged ninety years, at the residence of his son, Jonathan near Utica, 0.
He was buried with military honors by the military of the vicinity.
"At an early day Thomas Hughes
& family moved from the South Branch of Potomac to Harrison County,
North-Western part of Virginia, where his son, Elias, became one of those
extraordinary, active and daring spies and soldiers of the day.
"At the age of eighteen, under the
command of Col. Lewis, he was in the battle
of Point Pleasant, which continued from early in the morning until near night
before the Indians gave way, October 10, 1774.
On returning home he joined a company of spies under Capt. Boothe, for the protection of the then exposed frontier settlements.
"At one time, being out spying with
a comerade, they examined the localities near the steep bank of a run, under
smoke of rotten wood to keep off the gnats & lay down upon their arms for
the night, their moccasins tied to the breech of their guns. Some time after, hearing something like the
snapping of a stick, & looking in the direction, saw at a distance three
Indians approaching. Instantly the
whites sprung to their feet, leaped down the bank and over the run. The Indians in pursuit, not knowing the
place so well, fell down the bank. The whites,
hearing the splash, stopped an instant, put on their moccasins, raised a yell
& put off at full speed, leaving the Indians to take care of themselves.
"Capt. Boothe in time being killed
by the Indians, Joseph Ratliff succeeded to the command, but lacking, as a
soldier, the confidence of the men, left the country, and Hughes on a sudden
emergency being appointed in his place, under Col. Lowther, put off in pursuit
of Indians, found them, & returned with 6 or 7 scalps. (Date not known at
present.)
"In June, 1778, three women were in
the field near West's Fort picking greens, when they were fired upon without
effect by one of a party of four Indians.
The women screamed and ran for the fort, and one Indian in pursuit speared
Mrs. Freeman. Being fired upon from the
fort without effect, the Indians ran off in different directions. They were soon pursued by Jesse Hughes,
Elias & others. After some time, at
a distance they heard the howl like that of a wolf. They
ran some distance in the direction and stopping at a suitable place, Jesse howled
also. He was answered, and two Indians
were soon seen advancing. An opportunity
offering, Elias downed one, the other ran.
The whites pursued, but he running into a small hazel thicket and they
round on each side to take him in the outgoing, he watching them ran the back
way and escaped. In the meantime he who
had been shot recovered so much as to make off also, and a shower coming on prevented
the pursuit by obliterating the blood on the track.
"In March, 1781, a party of 14
Indians, nearly depopulated the settlement upon Leading Creek (Taggart's
Valley) and put off. They were pursued unsuccessfully
by a party from Clarksburg, but in the meantime, Col. Lowther & Capt. Hughes,
learning by spies that the Indians had been seen near the mouth of Isaac's
Creek, put off with a party of 17, and on an evening, Hughes being alone in
advance for the purpose, discovered the Indians on a branch of Hughes' River, coolly
putting up for the night, apparently not apprehensive of pursuit at that distance.
"On the return to the party it
became an object of interest, not to risk the lives of the prisoners, Mrs.
Roney, her little son and Daniel Doherty; therefore, when it was thought the
Indians might be sleeping, the Captain crawled near enough to discover the
position of Mrs. Roney and Doherty, but saw nothing of the boy. Before day the whole party, in perfect
order, crawled close & fired upon the Indians, one only escaping.
Mrs. Roney and Doherty were uninjured,
but the boy, having been sleeping in the bosom of an Indian was killed by a
ball after passing through the Indian's head.
The plunder sold the 17th of the month, produced a dividend of 14L. 17s.
and 5d. to each one of the seventeen.
"In September, 1785, Lowther, Hughes
and others, in pursuit of a party of Indians who had stolen horses from near
Clarksburg, slept near them on the third night, not knowing it. Next morning the whites parted, taking
different routes. Hughes & party, soon discovered the Indians, and fired
upon them, killing one. The rest ran off in various directions, and one coming
near Lowther's party was shot by the Colonel as he ran. They then started for home, and before going
far were fired upon, & John Barnet wounded so that he died before reaching
home.
"At another time (date not known)
Hughes and party discovering a party of Indians, fired upon them. The Indians ran in different directions:
Hughes after one, was gaining upon him fast, in a piece of bottom land in which
were no trees, when the Indian turning quickly about with loaded gun
uplifted. Hughes' gun was empty, &
no tree to spring behind. But instantly
springing obliquely to the right and left, with a bound, & outstretched
arm, flirted the muzzle of the Indian's gun one side, and the next moment had
his long knife in him up to the hilt.
"After Gen. Wayne's treaty,
Capt. Hughes & family settled upon
the waters of the Licking, Ohio. The
Indians having, at an early day, killed a young woman whom he highly esteemed,
& subsequently his father, the return of peace did not eradicate his
antipathy. In the month of April, 1800,
two Indians having collected a quantity of fur on the Rocky Fork of Licking,
proceeded to the Bowling Green, stole three horses and put off for
Sandusky. The next morning Hughes,
Ratliff and Blair, going out for the horses, and not finding them, did not
return to apprise their families, but continued upon their trail, and at night
discovered the Indians' fire on Granny's Creek, some few miles N. W. of where
Mt. Vernon now stands; lay down for the
night, and the next morning walked up to the Indians as they were cooking their
morning repast. At first the Indians
looked somewhat embarrassed, proposed restoration of the horses and giving
part of their furs by way of conciliation, to which the whites did not dissent,
but were thinking of the whole of the furs and future safety of the horses. It being a damp morning, it was proposed to
shoot off all their guns and put in fresh loads. A mark was made, Hughes ostensibly raised his gun to shoot, which
attracted the attention of the Indians to the mark, and was a signal. Ratliff
downed one, Blair's gun flashed, but Hughes turning quickly around, emptied
his gun into the other Indian's head, setting fire at the same time to the
handkerchief around it. On returning,
they kept their expedition a secret for some time. Many more interesting incidents might be related, but not with desirable
accuracy of the present day.
"Capt. Hughes' memory failed him considerably the last three or four years.
Previously his eyesight failed him entirely, but partially returned again. With
patience he waited his coming end, firmly believing that his Redeemer lived, and
that through him he should enjoy a happy futurity." - COMMUNICATED.
That Elias Hughes continued to murder
Indians after going to Ohio is undeniable.
He once returned on a visit to the settlements on the Upper Monongahela,
and some of his old acquaintances noticing his restless movements and constant
watching on every side, said to him, "Ellis, I see you're still hunting
Injuns."
"Yes,
and I'll hunt 'em as long as I live." "Have you had any luck since
leaving here?" "Not much, but
I know where there are fourteen guns hid in an old sycamore in my
country."
Through the kindness of Mrs. Pansy Hall
Thatcher a lineal descendant of Capt.
Elias Hughes, I am enabled to give a personal description of the old
scout, by two of his granddaughters, who were still living in Licking County,
Ohio, in 1907.
Elias Hughes was small in size, of light
build, small hands and could wear a woman's shoe. His hair was combed down smooth and cut off evenly at the
shoulder. His hair showed no signs of grey,
even at his death. His eyes were blue
and his face was always clean-shaved.
He was eccentric in his dress, at all times wearing a hunting shirt and
refusing to wear a coat. This shirt was
of blue trimmed in red, and with red fringe around the edge. He also refused to
have a button on his hunting shirt, tying it with small pieces of tape.
A family tradition says, that "Elias
Hughes was lying asleep in the house, when he dreamed that his children were in
danger. When he awakened, a friend, who was in the same house, was loading
his gun. Elias asked him what he was
going to do. He said, "I hear a
wild turkey; I am going to shoot it." Elias said, "I will get your
turkey for you." He went out and returned in a few minutes with the scalp
of an Indian, whom he had found in his cornfield near where his children were
playing. The Indian had imitated the
turkey's call in hopes of luring some one from the house."
This tradition may be the growth from
Jesse Hughes' experience with the turkey at Clarksburg, and of David Morgan's remarkable
dream and combat with the two Indians near Prickets Fort in 1779, cited
elsewhere in this volume. It is
probable that Elias Hughes was connected with the revolting sequel of Morgan's
battle, which might account in part for the story.
In
1782, Elias Hughes had an adventure with Indians in a cornfield on the West
Fork River, but with different results from that of the foregoing tradition.
"In August as Arnold and Paul
Richards were returning to Richards' Fort, they were shot at by some Indians,
lying hid in a cornfield adjoining the fort, and both fell from their
horses. The Indians leaped over the
fence immediately and tomahawked and scalped them.
"These two men were murdered in full
view of the fort, and the firing drew its inmates to the gate to ascertain its
cause. When they saw that the two Richards
were down, they rightly judged that Indians had done the deed; and Elias Hughes,
ever bold and daring, taking down his gun, went out alone at the back gate and
entered the cornfield, into which the savages had again retired, to see if he
could not avenge on one of them the murder of his friends. Creeping softly along, he came in view of
them standing near the fence, reloading their guns, and looking intently at the
people at the fort gate. Taking a
deliberate aim at one of them, he touched the trigger. His gun flashed, and the Indians alarmed,
ran speedily away."
It is claimed that Captain Hughes could
read and write, although his signature appears in his declaration for pension
and other statements with an "X." This, however, may have been on account
of his blindness at that time. Like his
brother, Jesse, Captain Hughes died in indigency. His life had been devoted to the trail and the chase; and his
wants measured only by his present needs, were supplied from the forest and
streams. For two-score years his
supreme joy had been a saturnalia of blood, and not until the loss of his sight
and when there were no more "Injuns to kill," did his thoughts turn
to the "future life." Captain Hughes is buried near the center of the
cemetery at Utica, Ohio. At the
interment crossed cannons were discharged over his grave, which is yearly
decorated with flowers. A gray, flat
stone marks the last silent camp of the "Last of the Border Warriors."
All data contained above was taken exclusively, verbatim - with
editing out of non pertinent information- from L. V. McWhorter's "Border
Settler's of Northwestern Virginia", copy obtained from the San Diego
branch of the Church of Latter Day Saints' Family History Center. The search for information on Jesse was long
and difficult, but yielded excellent results. Much gratitude to McWhorter is
owed by us all.